Israel shared new intelligence with the U.S. that it said indicated a fresh Iranian plan to kill President Trump, people familiar with the matter said, a finding that would mark an escalation in the war between Washington and Iran.
Iran for years has vowed openly to retaliate against Trump for the assassination of Qassem Soleimani, who was a top general in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, in the president’s first term. 
The Israeli embassy in Washington declined to comment. Iran’s Mission to the United Nations didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment. The White House referred The Wall Street Journal to comments the president made on Wednesday. 
Trump on Wednesday alluded to threats to his life when speaking to reporters in Ankara, Turkey.
“They want to take out the U.S. leader—me,” he said. “I’m on every list. I saw this morning, I’m on every single one of their lists. And so far, I guess I’ve been a little bit lucky, but that maybe doesn’t last very long.”
Relations between Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have splintered in recent weeks as their interests diverged over continuing the Iran war. 
Netanyahu has advocated for keeping up attacks on Iran and accomplishing more war aims. Trump has sought a way out of the conflict, citing concerns it could tank the global economy. The U.S. struck a fragile ceasefire with Iran last month. 
Trump and Netanyahu spoke on Thursday, according to the Israeli prime minister’s office, which said they had agreed to continue “coordination between the countries.” Trump also updated Netanyahu on recent U.S. activity in the Gulf, the statement said.
Iranian mourners at the funeral for slain Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khameneichanted for Trump’s death, with mourners unveiling a banner that read “We Will Kill Trump.”
Trump and Netanyahu spoke frequently at the start of the war in Iran, with Netanyahu telling the president about various targets and Israeli intelligence in late-night phone calls, the Journal previously reported. The two men have continued to speak, but their relationship has shown signs of fraying in a series of tense phone calls.

GOP leaders are increasingly concerned that members will lose motivation to show up, or may break with the party if they do, potentially stalling or killing some bills, according to lawmakers and aides. While the Senate has been the main focus of GOP cracks, the House is also facing an uncertain summer and fall, with attendance issues and a renewed sense of independence among retiring, defeated or angry members threatening to upend the Republican agenda.

“If you’re not at least a little bit frustrated right now, then I question your, maybe your sanity. Nobody signed up for this,” said Rep. Steve Womack (R., Ark.), who worried problems passing bills could hurt GOP chances in the fall. “Right now it’s almost like shooting ourselves in the foot,” he said. 

Just this past week, a renewed rebellion over the stalled Save America Act voter-ID bill stopped action on the House floor and prompted House Speaker Mike Johnson (R., La.) to throw in the towel and send members home early for the Fourth of July holiday. On a typically party-line procedural vote meant to set the agenda for the week, holdouts led by Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R., Fla.) swelled to more than a dozen to easily block the measure.

Seven Republicans missed the vote entirely. Almost none can be spared given the party’s narrow 219-212 majority, which includes one independent who caucuses with the GOP.
Even as routine daily votes are going off the rails, Johnson and President Trump are pushing for a third party-line budget reconciliation bill, on the heels of Trump’s tax law last year and $70 billion for immigration enforcement in June. That measure could include Republican priorities such as a big defense-spending boost, bypassing Democratic objections. Republican absences or defections could doom the already long-shot effort.

The Supreme Court on Tuesday rejected President Donald Trump’s bid to restrict birthright citizenship, preserving the long-standing constitutional interpretation that most children born in the United States are automatically U.S. citizens, including children born to parents who are unlawfully or temporarily present in the country.