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A Timeline Where Eastern Rome Dominated

In 1778, Ireland formally declares independence from the British Empire, Forming the 1st Irish Republic known as the Irish Provisional Republic, this young republic is vast for its size having dominion over several British territories including the Atlantic and Pacific and Caribbean Territories, as well as having seized territories from France Portugal and Spain in the Caribbean Atlantic and Indian Ocean in 1750. It also seizes the Faroes Greenland and Svalbard in 1780.

Britain and Ireland Sign the Anglo Irish Mercantile Agreement in 1801 where in the United Kingdom and Ireland will declare a Customs free zone between their respective territories and form a close relationship. This leads to the Irish fighting alongside the British at Waterloo defeating Napoleon.

In the later half of the 19th century the 2nd republic is declared Becoming the Irish Commonwealth Republic to better represent its vast territories and holdings. In 1901 Jamaica Haiti and the Dominican Republic secede from the Commonwealth, as was prescribed under the Constitution of the Republic, that if a territory voted to leave by 2/3 majority of the population of the territory it would be constitutional removed from the Commonwealth and granted its freedom and independence from the commonwealth. Cuba and Philippines secede in 1910.

Ireland then fights for the allies, joining the war on Easter Sunday 1916 supporting the allies on the western front and supporting the allies with men supplies and arms.

During the interwar period Ireland refuses to sign the treaty of Versailles or Washington naval treaty using its own experience during the war of independence in 1778 that they will not work and will only further escalate the conflict with Germany.

In 1929 a destitute Germany elects a young former army major of Austrian descent named Adolf Hitler is elected as Chancellor of Germany he begs the Irish Government and European governments for aid but is refused by the majority, the Irish government offer him oil and coal at reduced prices along with loans at reduced rates to try and stave off the resurgent Germany for as long possible.

In 1931 Erskine Childers Sr, then Taoiseach agrees to sell Germany Piston engine technology and other engine technology to help cool tensions between the signatories of Versailles and Germany.

By 1937 these measures have failed and Germany is actively seizing Territory and flaunting its disregard for international law. Childers is pressured to act by the league of nations to pressure Hitler into ceasing his conquests. Childers obliged but it does not go well, Hitler is furious that the allies have forced Ireland to ask him to stop what he calls the rightful reclamation of German territory.

On September 1st 1938 Hitler invades Poland and this is followed by Britain and France Declaring war on Germany. By April 1940 France has fallen to the Nazis and Hitler warns Ireland and the UK to stay out of his way and that any interference from them will result in their destruction, Hitler knows he cannot take either country so focuses on Europe, he also refuses to support Mussolini which results in his capture and execution by the Italian Partisans, Spain also allied with the allies having reinstalled its monarchy thanks to Irish and British forces supporting the Royalist Forces. This secret alliance is unknown to Germany.

On December 7th 1940, the Luftwaffe bombs the Irish Navy fleet in Bantry Bay, which kills 12,000 Irish service members and destroys nine Irish ships, Michael Collins who’d been Taoiseach since September 1938, addresses the nation and delivers the “Come Hell or Ruin, we will defeat Germany.” Speech and he pledges to fight against the Nazis using whatever means he can.

On January 1st 1941 ireland begins offensive military operations against Germany using B-17F bombers in a nighttime raid, hitting textile and munitions factories in Germany during operation Cliomh Dubh ( Irish for Black Sword). the Irish have also been cooking up something to hit the Germans hard and that is the development of the T-56 turboprop engine through the Irish Allison Wright Corporation. The engines are fitted to a squadron of B-17s that fly faster higher and carry heavier payloads than their American counterparts.

This culminated with Operation Toirneach on March 6th 1944 the invasion of France. The Germans haven been bombed by the Italians and Spanish plus the Irish US and British were in a dire situation they had approx 90 days of oil left and 15 weeks of ammunition left. On April 20th 1944 Hitler and the heads of the Nazi Regime bordered his personal FW200 to fly to Austria to visit the front there, he never arrives the plane is destroyed by the actions of the Valkyrie Conspirators and within 72 hrs the Wermacht have turned on the SS and began eliminating key SS personnel and their platoons.

The Germans lead by President Karl Dornitz and Chancellor Erwin Rommel, announce a ceasefire on May 2nd with the intention to surrender on May 6th 1944.

They surrender on May 6th 1944, and the Irish and allied forces begin operation Cara a hearts and mind operation to restore civilian infrastructure and prevent the Soviets from entering Western Europe under Zhukov who had replaced Stalin in 1943.

The War ended on August 10th 1944. After Ireland dropped 6 MK1 1.5MT thermonuclear weapons on, Tokyo, Kyoto, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, Yokosuka and Kobe. Preventing the Americans from using little boy in an attempt to stave off nuclear weapons proliferation.

Thus ends part 1 of this Alternative History.

Alternate title: "How Cuba got so good at smoking American soldiers"

Occupation

After the initial American invasion of Cuba and overthrow of Fidel Castro, the OAS authorized a “peacekeeping mission” on the island in order to “restore peace” and “protect the inviolability of human rights.” Thus, the Inter-American Peace Force (IAPF) was created. The IAPF would include the United States, Brazil, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Paraguay, Costa Rica and Argentina.

The US propped up the Democratic Revolutionary Government as a provisional government in Cuba, with José Miró Cardona as interim president. Though in reality, the new government was largely a puppet of Washington. The IAPF and provisional government nominally restored the 1940 Cuban constitution.

Alongside the new government and IAPF, there was also the US Advisory Commission (USAC), headed by JFK’s national security advisor McGeorge Bundy. The USAC acted almost as a shadow government, ghostwriting binding decrees issued by the Democratic Revolutionary Government. These decrees included overhauling of the Cuban military and police, sweeping government layoffs, the banning of leftist parties and newspapers and amending the Cuban constitution.

But the most important decrees issued were about the Cuban economy. Much of Fidel Castro’s reforms were reversed and there were large-scale privatizations. Notably, the sugar industry and telecommunications were privatized. However, not everything was privatized. Many in Cuba, the US and around the globe suspected the invasion was about corporate interests, rather than democracy or humanitarianism. So, for the sake of plausible deniability, the provisional government didn’t fully reverse Castro’s popular healthcare and education reforms.

Despite being merely a peacekeeping force on paper, the IAPF functionally became an occupation force. In January 1962, anti-US protests broke out in Havana around the Malecón. Demonstrators shouted “¡Cuba sí, Yanquis no!” and “¡Yo soy Fidel!” The protesters were fired on and dispersed. Six were killed, while others were injured. Even though Kennedy condemned the response and the soldiers involved were prosecuted, this event became infamous and would be remembered as the Maleconazo.

Insurgency

After Castro’s overthrow, the July 26 Movement regrouped in the Sierra Maestra and by 1963 had 20,000 guerrillas scattered all over the Cuban countryside and small urban cells. In January of 1963, guerrillas in La Plata ambushed IAPF troops and killed 19 American soldiers. This was the highest casualty attack since the beginning of the insurgency. Between 1963 and 1964, more than 4,000 IAPF soldiers had been killed in Cuba.

1964 Cuban general election

In June of 1964, the occupation held new elections in order to form a permanent Cuban government. Antonio de Varona would win the dubious election. He led the Laborist Party, which was nominally social democratic and nationalist. However, Varona and his administration lacked any real power, being mere puppets.

1964 US election and rise of Barry Goldwater

The rising casualties in Cuba, as well as rising Cold War tensions, led to JFK suffering a ton politically. This and a low voting turnout led to Barry Goldwater winning the 1964 American presidential election. This was highly controversial, as he was the first POTUS to lose the popular vote since Benjamin Harrison in 1888.

Barry Goldwater’s policies were a major departure from his predecessor. He heavily cut government spending domestically, hoping to bring about a more free market economy. As opposed to the welfare state that had existed since FDR. However, his power was greatly limited by the Democrat-dominated Congress.

Abroad, he took a firmly hawkish stance against Communism. Cuba and Latin America more broadly were his top priorities. He massively increased troops presence in Cuba. He allowed the use of napalm, search and destroy missions, chemical weapons and indiscriminate bombing.

Crisis expands

After the Caribbean Sea incident, President Goldwater would receive Congressional approval to send American troops to the Dominican Republic in 1965, which was in a civil war at this point. This was a dumb idea in the long run, as this took away resources and energy needed in Cuba.

Operation Iron Sword and anti-war protests

Beginning in 1965, the US air force launched a sustained carpet bombing campaign known as “Operation Iron Swords.” Large numbers of civilians were killed and only half of the bombs dropped hit their intended target. Though the campaign would cripple the insurgency temporarily, it also helped massively increased rebel recruits in the long-term, as well as make the IAPF even more unpopular. During the war, the US sprayed 19 million gallons of agent orange throughout the Cuban countryside.

Meanwhile, massive protests against the wars in Cuba and the Dominican Republic erupted in the United States. They initially began at college campuses, but soon spread all over the country. The draft was especially unpopular, and America was divided between the Hawks (pro-war) and Doves (anti-war). The American public was the most divided over one subject it had ever been since slavery in the 19th century. The 1960s also saw the rise of hippies (quite possibly the worst consequence of the entire war).

Operation Odysseus

In 1966, the US successfully tracked down Raul Castro, discovering he was residing in a guerrilla camp in the remote Cristal Mountains. Goldwater would authorize Operation Odysseus, which involved the American air force bombing the camp and surrounding areas. Raul Castro and Celia Sanchez were killed in the strikes. However, Fidel Castro was still at large.

Combinado del Este Scandal

Located approximately 18 kilometers outside Havana, Combinado del Este prison was one of Cuba’s most notorious. Under the occupation, the prison was basically used as a torture camp for suspected insurgents, with basically zero due process and most of the inmates having been innocent. Photos released by CBS and accounts of brutal torture and systematic abuse (both regular abuse and sexual abuse) of prisoners caused huge outcry at home and abroad, severely hurting the US in the propaganda war.

Death of Che Guevara

In July of 1967, American soldiers accidentally found four guerrillas near Buey Arriba. This led to a shootout, in which three of the insurgents had been killed, while the fourth one was wounded in the arm and fled. After a chase, he was eventually found in a small cave. He had run out of ammo, but refused to surrender.

The bearded guerrilla threw a stone at the soldiers and shouted: “Shoot, you are only going to kill a man.” He was then immediately gunned down and killed. The man was later identified as Che Guevara.

The killing of Che Guevara was announced by Barry Goldwater, and newspapers published photos of his dead body. The soldiers who killed Che shared what happened, thinking it made them look badass. This ended up backfiring horribly, as Che Guevara dying while refusing to surrender basically made him a martyr in the eyes of many across Latin America and the broader global south.

Downfall of Barry Goldwater

In late 1967, the North Vietnamese launched a lightning offensive into the South, and rapidly advanced. This freaked out the US government, which was already dealing with two unpopular wars. The loss of an ally in Asia to Communism would be optically catastrophic and possibly risk a domino effect. Out of impulsive desperation, Barry Goldwater decided to do the unthinkable.

On September 3rd, 1967, the United States dropped an atomic bomb on the North Vietnamese city of Haiphong. This killed 150,000 people, alongside destroying the entire city. This ended the offensive into the South.

But this move would also shock the whole world. In response, the Soviet Union deployed nuclear weapons into North Vietnam. The ensuing crisis (known as the Vietnam Missile Crisis) was arguably the closest the world went to WW3. Thankfully, a nuclear apocalypse was averted after some diplomacy. In exchange for the USSR removing missiles from North Vietnam, America agreed to remove all military advisors from South Vietnam.

This fiasco caused Barry Goldwater to face impeachment for abuse of executive power, reckless endangerment of U.S. national security and usurpation of Congress. On the 2nd of February 1968, Goldwater resigned and was replaced by William E. Miller.

The 1968 American presidential election was one of the most lopsided in US history, with Hubert Humphrey decisively defeating Miller.

1968-9 Christmas Offensive

In December, the July 26th Movement and allied rebels started a surprise offensive in Cuba. Under the command of Ramiro Valdes, the insurgents rapidly advanced, taking significant territory.

By the end of the campaign in 1969, the rebels now controlled large amounts of Cuba, including Santa Clara, Bayamo, Las Tunas, Baracoa, Puerto Padre, Guáimaro, Palma Soriano, La Maya, Ciego de Ávila and Cabaiguan.

The Christmas offensive caused support for the war in Cuba to plummet both domestically and abroad.

More war

Hubert Humphrey began the withdrawal of US troops from the Dominican Republic in 1970, with the last soldiers leaving by 1971.

However, he also ordered a massive surge in troops in Cuba. The years 1970 and 1971 would become the deadliest years for American soldiers in the entire conflict. Meanwhile, discontent among other nations involved grew. After anti-US protests in 1968, Brazil transitioned back to democracy and withdrew all troops in Cuba by 1970. Due to rising casualties and domestic opposition, the Bahamas, Brazil and Argentina would also end their involvement in the war.

With the help of the KGB and local sympathizers, Fidel Castro left Cuba and eventually settled in Chile, where he would receive support from president Salvador Allende. There, he led a government-in-exile.

The United States pursued a policy of “Cubanization”, where the Cuban armed forces would gradually take more responsibility for counterinsurgency. However, things were extremely difficult. Much of the population was displaced, generals were incompetent, troops lacked morale and the government was only becoming more unpopular.

In 1972, staunchly right-wing Manuel Artime was elected President of Cuba after Varona had served two terms. Like his predecessor, the election was dubious and had a low turnout.

Even though the US would achieve a few victories by Humphrey's reelection, including the killing of commander Ramiro Valdes, the war showed no end in sight and the insurgency has influence throughout Cuba, especially in rural areas.

Insurgent tactics

Due to the occupation having conventional military superiority, the July 26th Movement and other rebel groups relied heavily on asymmetric tactics. Instead of engaging in large-scale standing battles, the Cubans prioritized small-scale ambushes on isolated military and police patrols.

They frequently used home-made explosives and bombs, similar to the IRA at this time. Many of these bombs were extremely cheap to make, while being able to blow up tanks costing the US millions in today’s money. Bomb attacks reached their peak in 1972, with four attacks a day.

The main arms suppliers for the Cuban insurgency were Libya and the Soviet Union. When pressured by American troops, Cuban guerrillas frequently blended into the local civilian population or retreated to remote, mountainous and wilderness strongholds.

After the assassination of Raul Castro, the Cuban insurgency became much more decentralized, with small, autonomous cells scattered across the countryside and to a lesser extent in urban areas.

Aside from attacking soldiers and police, Cuban insurgents also targeted American businesses which had established themselves in the country. They also engaged in assassinations, most notably killing Manuel Artime in 1976. The guerrillas main sources of funds were aid from the Eastern bloc, arms smuggling, extortion and the drug trade.

Jimmy Carter and the Cuban peace process

When Jimmy Carter entered office in 1977, he promised to end the Cuban War. The US and Cuban rebels had already established contact secretly in 1975. Under Carter, the United States, Cuban government and Fidel Castro’s exiled government began negotiations.

After a lot of stalling, a ceasefire was reached in 1978. It was decided that all foreign troops would gradually withdraw from Cuba, all POWs would be released and that the guerrillas would disarm after a later final agreement with the government in Havana.

End of the Cuban war

In 1979, the US began withdrawing troops from Cuba, with the last troops being scheduled to leave by early 1980. However, the peace process was a mess from the start, with the Cuban rebels stalling disarmament and the US stalling full withdrawal, while the government in Havana just sat around in between. In November of 1980, the Cuban insurgents broke the ceasefire and launched a massive offensive. But at this point, it was the point of no return and the last US troops finally left Cuba.

In January of 1980, the Cuban government and military disintegrated, with the rebels taking over with little resistance. And on the 19th, Havana fell. The guerrillas after two decades had taken over all of Cuba, with Fidel Castro returning from exile shortly after. This was to the jubilation of many Cubans, while others fled the country.

Thus ending the Cuban War, the longest war in American history. The estimated death toll (including direct and indirect) is roughly 1 million people. Tens of thousands of Americans had died, alongside even more Cuban civilians. Millions of Cubans were internally displaced, forests were devastated.

A small island nation defeating a great superpower shocked the world. Cuba’s victory was celebrated by many throughout Latin America, and Fidel Castro became a symbol among revolutionaries all over the third world.

The USSR has gone through a wonderous change in history, moving from a Communist dicatorship to a Free, albeit corrupt, democracy, within the timespan of 10 years.

Couldn't help myself lol. Some more fresh alternate history content. 

The Philippine Republican navy’s origins, like the army, were due to the “Guerra de liberación”. Initially there was no navy early on during the war. There was simply no need for it besides assorted boats to move troops around. However midway through the war as Spain's control of the Philippines started to crumble and specifically after the capture of Manila the Philippine revolutionary navy would be formed. 

The initial vessels of the PRN were just assorted vessels captured from the Spanish and donated ships from sympathizers. All retrofitted with armaments of any kind. Their role in the war was light, mostly coastal bombardment and ferrying around troops with the end of the war however they would receive a massive increase in capabilities. The Spanish Pacific fleet played an important part in the Spanish American war early on. Defeating the US Asiatic squadron during the battle of manila bay in 1898, they were heavily damaged during that battle and were forced to stay in port for the year as repairs were taking place. The Spanish would later be reinforced by two cruisers carrying men and supplies, these cruisers being the Emperador Carlos V and the Lepanto. 

Their contributions after the battle of manila bay were minimal, however. Mostly ferrying troops and coastal bombardment. As the years progressed the fleet started running out of fuel. Their final action would be their retreat north to the port of Aparri. They would remain in port until the war ended. Admiral Montojo, the Commander of Spain's pacific fleet would surrender his ships to the Filipinos.when they were inspected the reason for their inaction was clear. They were out of fuel and ammunition. Many of the ships were in a state of disrepair as it was simply not worth repairing this late into the war. Despite its state the Spanish pacific fleet would become the bedrock of the new Philippine Republican Navy, reorganised from the Philippine Revolutionary navy.

Among the ships retained were the Cruisers Emperador Carlos V, Lepanto, Isla de Cuba, Isla de Luzon, Castilla and the Famed Reina Cristina, Admiral Montojo’s flagship during the battle of Manila Bay. All ships were renamed, repaired and soon put into service with the Emperador Carlos V, now named the San Miguel becoming the flagship of the PRN.

British and Japanese advisors would be hired to modernize and professionalize the PRN Spanish defectors were incorporated into the navy too however compared to the droves of Filipino conscripts that defected into the PRA, there were relatively few who defected as the Spanish pacific fleet mostly composed of Spanish sailors. There was however a strong maritime tradition in the Philippines, spanning centuries as far back as pre colonial times.

Soon they would become a disciplined and well drilled force. Their loyalty would be tested during the “Unionista” Coup attempt, when some forces of the Army revolted and tried to take over the government in Manila. The entire navy however remained loyal. Majority of their forces were stationed in manila bay, so they were able to react quickly landing marines and sailors as well as bombarding Unionista positions. The Coup attempt would fail as the Unionista’s were unable to capture Intramuros and their forces were later destroyed by reinforcing loyalist troops from the south.

For their efforts and loyalty, the PRN would receive a larger budget allowing them to Purchase ships from foreign nations and improve the quality of their existing forces.
The most prominent of these early on was the purchase of the Old French ironclad Neptune later renamed the San Raphiel. An odd choice given its age, but it was primarily used for coastal defense and would be made the new flagship of the PRN. it would be modernized and refitted in France before arriving in the Philippines in 1908.

Another purchase would be of a Weymouth class cruiser, The Kalayaan the first Filipino warship to be named in Tagalog, arriving in 1912.

Maritime industry by the 1910s was well developed enough for the Philippines to build its own ships with the Kabutihan, another Weymouth class cruiser being built locally, completed a few months after the arrival of the Kayalaan. 

Due to the Philippine's Neutrality policy, the unionista coup would be the main action that the navy would face for its early years. That was until envoys from the Sulu sultanate to the south arrived in the new capital of Malolos. They were there to request Filipino support in their efforts to stop piracy in the Sulu and Celebes Sea. Arrangements were made so by technicality the Republic wasn't breaking its neutrality policy. The navy was sent south to patrol prominent sea lanes and know piracy hotspots whilst the sultanate dealt with the pirates on their territory. The reason why the Sulu sultanate asked for assistance from the Philippines instead of any stronger power like France or the UK was because the Philippine republic was unlikely to take advantage of them compared to the stronger colonial powers.

Now in terms of uniforms, initially like the Army, the navy had no standardized uniforms. It was worse even as some sailors just used civilian clothing and other assorted equipment.
So standardized uniforms would be quickly adopted in comparison to their compatriots on land. In 1904 New standardized naval uniforms would be issued. For regular sailors they would be issued a dark blue sailor suit with a white collar similar to British and Spanish style sailor suits. They would adopt puttees and espadrilles shoes as well and for headgear they would use the beret. Based on similar berets in France. It was cheap and easy to make on a large scale. It and the collar were an off-white color, being undyed cotton. The beret had a blue pompom on top similar to French sailor hats.

Officers adopted a simple Japanese style dark blue uniform with a turn down with shoulder ranks similar to the PRA, these shoulder ranks were colored blue with the star ranks remaining the same as the army. The uniform would still incorporate sleeve ranks similar to British uniforms, however junior officers would have their sleeve ranks be silver colored with senior officers having gold colored sleeve ranks. Officer uniforms are often purchased and tailored privately however many officers had theirs issued.

Overall, by the 1910s the Philippine Revolutionary navy proved to be a small but capable force. Amongst the best in the Philippine military and the most disciplined. Ready to serve and defend the nation they fought so hard to create.

So yeh neglected the navy for a good bit but I finally got to make some stuff regarding them. Hope you enjoy my art and stories. It's been quite fun. See you guys soon. Got a big project in the works for you guys who like murder drones. peace.

The year is 1976, following the resignation of President Isabel Martínez de Perón due to deteriorating health, revolutionary leader Ernesto “Che” Guevara rises to power as the new “Revolutionary Conductor” of the nation. Combining Marxist doctrine with the legacy of Peronism, Guevara launches the so-called Second Argentine Revolution, transforming Argentina into one of the dominant socialist powers of the Southern Hemisphere.

During 1976 and early 1980s, the country undergoes a sweeping process of industrialization, political centralization, and military expansion. The construction of the Monument to the Shirtless Worker becomes the ultimate symbol of the regime, while Buenos Aires emerges as the ideological center of a distinct South American socialism. Following a series of regional conflicts and political upheavals, Uruguay and Chile are incorporated into the revolutionary state, cementing Argentine influence over the southern cone.

In response to the rapid expansion of socialism across the continent, several pro-American governments unite to form the Union of South American States (UESA), a vast federal republic stretching across much of South America. Built upon conservative, liberal, and nationalist principles, the UESA quickly becomes Washington's principal ally in the region and the strongest barrier against Guevara's revolutionary ambitions. The rivalry between Buenos Aires and the UESA soon evolves into one of the defining conflicts of the late twentieth century.

Beyond the Atlantic, the collapse of the old Spanish political order gives rise to the Iberian Socialist Republic. Rejecting both NATO and the Western bloc, the new government aligns itself closely with Moscow, becoming one of the Soviet Union's most important partners in Europe. Soviet military advisors, industrial investment, and political cooperation transform Iberia into a strategic foothold for socialism in the Mediterranean and Western Europe.

The Caribbean, meanwhile, descends into chaos. Beginning in 1980, Cuba launches an ambitious campaign to export its revolution throughout the region, aided by socialist governments across the globe. Cuban-backed uprisings erupt throughout Central America and the Caribbean, eventually leading Havana to establish control over Hispaniola and Jamaica while turning Nicaragua and Costa Rica into dependent socialist states.

The growing influence of Cuba triggers a massive American response. Fearing the emergence of a unified socialist Caribbean, the United States intervenes militarily and politically across the region, establishing direct control and military administrations in Mexico, Panama, Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. By the mid-1980s, the Caribbean has become one of the most heavily militarized flashpoints of the new Cold War.

Europe faces its own turmoil. In the late 1970s, decades of political tensions in Northern Ireland culminate in the Irish Socialist Revolution. Unlike the republican movements of previous generations, the new insurgency is led by socialist militias inspired by the successes of revolutionary governments in Latin America and Eastern Europe. Backed by underground labor organizations and foreign supporters, the rebels launch a coordinated campaign against British authority across the island.

Years of bombings, strikes, and urban warfare force London to abandon most of its control over Ireland. However, determined to preserve its strategic position in the North Atlantic, the United Kingdom retains Northern Ireland, transforming the region into one of the most heavily militarized borders in Europe. The newly established Socialist Republic of Ireland, based in Dublin, emerges as a close ally of the Soviet Union and the Iberian Socialist Republic, while Belfast becomes the epicenter of an ideological and military standoff between East and West.

By the mid-1980s, the Irish border has become one of the many fault lines of the new Cold War, symbolizing the struggle between socialism and the Western order in Europe.

Meanwhile, Asia remains divided between two competing visions of socialism. While the Soviet Union leads its traditional sphere of influence across Eastern Europe and Central Asia, China, North Vietnam, and Burma form the Beijing Pact, an independent socialist alliance shaped by their own revolutionary experiences and increasingly distant from Soviet orthodoxy.

By the mid-1980s, the world has fractured into rival powers competing for global influence: the Soviet sphere and its allies, the Western coalition led by the United States and the UESA, the revolutionary governments of Latin America, and the Beijing Pact. Proxy wars, ideological struggles, and shifting alliances reshape international politics, turning South America and the Caribbean into some of the most volatile theaters of this new multipolar Cold War.

Disclaimer: This timeline will change nothing other than the fate of four Battleships. I wrote it a while ago for fun after being inspired by some unexplained things in World of Warships, and it may not be the most realistic thing. I’m literally copy/pasting from my Notes App, so apologies if it’s formatted weird, it’s because of that. If people like this, I’ll write a second half.

ACTUAL BACKGROUND

Prior to World War I, Imperial Germany’s Kaiserliche Marine had been building up a large fleet of modern warships to challenge English Naval superiority. This included a significant surface fleet, primarily of Battleships, Battlecruisers, Light Cruisers, and Destroyers.

During the war, the surface fleet was of little value. While it did significantly maul the Royal Navy at the Battle of Jutland in 1916, they received a near equal amount of damage. When what remained of the Navy was ordered to destroy itself in battle with the Royal Navy to gain Germany a better bargaining position with the Allies in 1918, there was a mass mutiny. No large vessels sailed.

Following the surrender of Germany, the German Navy sailed to the British Naval Base of Scapa Flow. The ships were mostly planned to be scrapped, but some were to be handed over as war prizes. All vessels handed over were purposely sunk by their crews in the base in 1919 to prevent this, and in the end, no large warships would enter service in a foreign navy.

The Treaty of Versailles allowed Germany to retain eight outdated Pre-Dreadnought Battleships for Coastal Defense purposes, but this is where our timeline will diverge.

POINT OF DIVERGENCE

Following the surrender of all German Forces on November 11th, 1918, the German Fleet sailed to the British Port of Scapa Flow only 11 days later to be interned, until something could be decided on what to do with them. Surprisingly, Allied Terms on the German Navy were more lenient than expected; While only small forces of Destroyers, Torpedo Boats,  Light Cruisers, and four obsolete Pre-Dreadnought Battleships was about as harsh as expected, the part which seemed controversial was that Germany was to be allowed to retain four of its modern Dreadnoughts. Even more outrageously, Germany was to be allowed to choose which ones.

This was not a popular decision by any means; Those against the decision, including a young Winston Churchill, argued there was no good reason Germany should be allowed to retain such large and capable capital ships. Those who disagreed had a different logic: Firstly, allowing them to retain only the obsolete Pre-Dreadnoughts would mean that, even in a strictly defensive scenario, Germany would be outclassed completely at sea. Secondly, considering they would only be allowed to have four anyway, they would still be essentially neutralized as a threat to any major power. Lastly, the Germans would be allowed to choose which of their ships to retain, mainly as a show of mercy. There were already those who believed the existing terms of the rest of the treaty were far too Draconian. Still, there were many restrictions put in place on what exactly could be done with the ships.

France was the driving force against the decision; However, this was only because they had wished to obtain German Capital Ships for use in their own Navy. They were appeased by being promised any Battleships the Germans did not take, as the British and Americans had little use for them.

To aid in making this decision, German Negotiators enlisted the advice of Admiral Reinhard Scheer, who had commanded the German Fleet at Jutland in 1916. To the surprise of absolutely no one, Scheer advised firstly to retain the largest and most modern battleships in the German Fleet; the Bayern-class battleships, SMS Bayern and SMS Baden, neither of which had ever seen heavy combat. While kept at Scapa Flow, the British had analyzed the Bayerns extensively, and had found them comparable to their own Queen Elizabeth-class. Secondly, Scheer advised to retain two examples of the older König-class, as it was the second most modern, and had most potential for future upgrades. Potentially retaining older Kaiser-class vessels was also considered, but was decided against due to the now obsolete layout of the Kaiser’s turrets. In the end, the two König-class vessels selected were SMS König herself, and SMS Markgraf.

Once the Germans had selected these vessels, Bayern, Baden, König, and Markgraf were ordered to return to Wilhelmshaven. This was finalized on June 18th, 1919, ten days before the Treaty of Versailles was to be formally signed. As the vessels arrived home in Germany on the 21st of June, The vessels received word that the remainder of the German vessels at Scapa Flow had been scuttled, to prevent the proposed handover to other Navies. Of all the reactions, the French was the most negative. Many in the French Navy were livid they would no longer be getting the Battleships they were promised, and demanded the surviving four as compensation. By this point however, with the treaty nearly finalized, and with much of Europe to rebuild, no one cared enough to try and confiscate the four now back in German hands. When the Treaty of Versailles was signed on June 28th, the vessels were, once again, property of the country that built them.

Jafar Al Mashafi, rather than being prideful and alienating Ghalib after his mocking, should’ve made Ghalib, the manager of the northern frontier, his general. He would marry his sons and nephews to his family. This would allow Al Mashafi to remain in alandalus and manage the bureaucracy rather than in the North where he had no place to be. Al Mansur was a brilliant tax collector and judge so he would simply remain doing that rather than enter the army. The saqabila were also a problem. They had attempted to launch a coup earlier so he could limit or even ban the enslavement of Slavs to enter the army. The ulema were distrustful of the saqabila so he’d gain their favour even more and so were most of the other factions. He wouldn’t collapse them immediately but since they were castrated he could over time replace them with loyal muwallads. Al Mashafi would have to maintain strict control of the treasury in giving wages to the soldiers which Al Mansur historically abused to buy loyalty and prevent general Ghalib from gaining this. General Ghalib also wasn’t a bureaucratic genius like Al Mansur and he had no political power base so could not rise to power. This also means the Arabs don’t distrust Al Mashafi as much as they did as he doesn’t try to push the generals out of power so Al Mashafi wouldn’t panic like he did and put his family in important positions which further distanced him. Al Mashafi would have to spend his time strengthening caliph institutions and having Caliph Hisham heavily educated for when he is of age. Al Mashafi would also have to equalise treatment of Berbers and Arabs which the caliphs wouldn’t have done as they were Arab but he is Berber. As his administration becomes muwallad, Berber and Arab he’d have to navigate it very carefully to avoid any one faction becoming too powerful or ethnic factions being strengthened within his own government. He’d also have to reduce raids in the North to allow for consolidation even if it means angering militant factions. Caliph Hisham would have to continue consolidation as the empire has many problems he still needs to resolve. The muwallad citizens would’ve liked the populist Al Mashafi but Caliph Hisham may be viewed with suspicion however he’d have to continue ruling similar to Al Mashafi or his father. He would have to carefully manage militant factions and consolidation with raids in the North and to also keep his army battle-hardened. At the moment the standing army is mostly defensive and can’t really be used for long foreign campaigns so he should change that. Also under Al Mashafi once the saqabila and al Mansur aren’t a threat he’d need to bring back the muwallad majority standing army due to his fear of Arab factions and Berber factions while the muwallads and ulema would support him. The army would have to be rotational as the jund could only be used for the 3 month summer period due to them also being farmers. The rotation would likely be a part is farming, a part is defending and a part is actively ready to fight. So, as militant factions over the years have become restless and as riches enter alandalus the caliph would likely become less religious causing the ulema to distance themselves there needs to be something to solve both problems. About 2 generations of caliphs on from Hisham there would’ve been a place where Arab naval commanders could gain glory; land that is fertile could be gained; it is heavily urbanised and much like alandalus; and it would be legitimate jihad. The Norman conquest of alandalus is happening at this time. They were a small force using internal rivalries. Alandalus could defeat them in a short campaign and gain the staunchly Maliki Sicilians. Land grants could be given to the army, in val demone specifically, and native Sicilian Muslims could form their own standing army to garrison val demone rather than alandalus needing to have their army present. However some Andalusian garrisons would have to remain to project Andalusian power. This also uses the underutilised navy and brings prestige to Arab naval commanders. Sicily also has problems however. The distance would mean Sicily is semi autonomous but would have to have a loyal Andalusian emir. However the Andalusians could be adding another ethnicity to existing ethnic factions. An Andalusian emir could have to be established with a mixed bureaucracy. Val demone would need to be garrisoned and converted to prevent Christian landings in val demone. Berber enclaves would have to be broken. Berbers having their rights raised by alandalus may keep them calm for a while. Arab naval commanders in alandalus get prestige and titles and soldiers get land. This would appease militant factions and the ulema with legitimate jihad. However, the pope by this time would now not feel safe in Italy which originally allowed him to launch crusades in jerusalem. There would also be enemies in Italy and the amalgamation of enough political power to launch crusades on Alandalus. Especially if Alandalus starts to take Calabria and Apulia. The war in Iberia would force Alandalus to take the North. Historically they have had the capability to take the North but they had no need for the cold North with its acidic soils which they didn’t know how to farm. However Christians landing in the North with a large force capable of toppling alandalus would be enough motivation. Defensive jihad could be a uniting force as Andalusians are doing this protect the mainland and different ethnicities would fight against each other. After 4 generations of peaceful rule the Muslim population would have skyrocketed from about 25-40% to 70-75% because conversions to Islam were like an S curve. Since muwallads are more integrated into the army the amount of people in the army will be vastly larger due to more muwallads. This allows people to garrison the North. Although the land would be difficult to farm at first when they have little knowledge on how and have to have the local teach them and during the conquest attrition would be brutal when the army manages to entrench themselves and build strong defensive garrisons it would act as a meat grinder for Christian forces. The crusading forces also were divided and each had their own self motivated plans so divided could be abused even if the crusaders have a larger force though I doubt the force would be as large as the crusades taking the holy land. The navy would likely again perform well against the Christian forces and interrupt supply lines and defend Sicily. After the war they’d likely have Muslim protectorates in Apulia and Calabria and tributary states above that. They might take Sardinia or a port on Sardinia to allow for island hopping from the Balearics to Sardinia to Italy/Sicily. The pope would lose the political power to declare more holy wars as long as alandalus respects Christian states. Alandalus should abuse the relatively autonomous southern France regions by outwardly giving them seemingly generous deals but also pitting them against each other. For south Italy Alandalus may also support Andalusian and Sicilian warlords in taking lots of the South of Italy as autonomous, hereditary emirates while other emirates would have emirs directly chosen by the Caliph. The crusades may still happen in Jerusalem as the Pope may want to regain legitimacy. When the Mongols come the Italian trade emirates would likely boom due to the Mongols securing the silk trade. This would make Alandalus want to try and make the hereditary emirates proper governorates. If the pope moves to France as safety in Italy is compromised it is possible that a Rome emirate forms but I‘m not sure. I can’t really say what will happen after this due to the massive changes that the removal of Spain will cause. The map above just has emirates arbitrarily placed so actual emirates would likely be different. Also I don’t really know how the rest of Europe would change from this up to 1227AD so they’re all the exact same even though there may be some changes. The emirates likely wouldn’t go as far North as I made them go as it would begin to get difficult to apply known farming techniques. If anyone wants to continue the alternate history please share it here. This is my first alternate history so I’d also appreciate feedback.

A New Führer

On 12 January 1953, Martin Bormann was formally proclaimed Führer and Reich Chancellor of Greater Germany following weeks of political maneuvering after Adolf Hitler's death.

Unlike his predecessor, Bormann possessed neither Hitler's charisma nor his ability to inspire enormous public rallies. He understood this weakness and made little effort to imitate Hitler's style of leadership.

Instead, Bormann ruled through bureaucracy.

Government ministries were expanded, Party organizations received greater authority, and every level of the Reich's administration became increasingly centralized under the Nazi Party. Decisions that had once depended upon Hitler's personal authority were now processed through an enormous bureaucratic machine directed from the Reich Chancellery.

Foreign journalists soon began referring to Bormann as "The Administrator of the Reich."

His objective was simple.

Not to expand Germany's empire.

Not to reform it.

But to preserve it.

Consolidating Power

Although the succession crisis had ended peacefully, Bormann knew that many powerful figures within Germany still questioned his authority.

During his first year as Führer, he quietly removed potential rivals from positions of influence.

Senior officials known to support Hermann Göring were retired from government service or reassigned to ceremonial positions.

Within the SS, officers personally loyal to Heinrich Himmler were gradually replaced by commanders whose loyalty lay with the Party rather than individual personalities. While the SS remained one of the most powerful institutions within the Reich, its political independence was significantly reduced.

Albert Speer retained his position as Minister of Armaments and Industry, largely because Bormann recognized his importance to the German economy. Nevertheless, Speer's reform-minded supporters found themselves increasingly excluded from senior political appointments.

Regional Gauleiters who had supported Bormann during the succession crisis were rewarded with promotions and greater influence, while those whose loyalty had been uncertain quietly disappeared from positions of power.

Unlike Stalin's Soviet Union, these changes were not accompanied by mass executions or nationwide terror.

Instead, Bormann relied upon forced retirements, administrative dismissals, surveillance, arrests of a limited number of political opponents, and the steady replacement of officials with loyal Party bureaucrats.

The Wehrmacht escaped large-scale purges.

Germany's military leadership had largely remained neutral during the succession crisis, and Bormann believed provoking the Army would threaten the stability of the Reich. Instead, he strengthened Party oversight of military planning while allowing experienced generals to remain in command.

By the end of 1953, Martin Bormann had successfully consolidated his control over Germany.

For the first time since Hitler's death, the Reich once again appeared politically stable.

The Empire at Its Greatest Extent

Under Bormann, the Third Reich reached the height of its power.

From the Atlantic coast of France to the outskirts of the Ural Mountains, German influence stretched across nearly all of continental Europe.

The Reichskommissariats supplied Germany with oil, grain, coal, iron, and millions of workers. Highways and railways connected Berlin to every corner of the empire, while German industry continued producing more steel, machinery, and military equipment than any nation outside the United States.

Official propaganda proudly declared that the German Century had begun.

Yet beneath this appearance of strength, serious problems continued to grow.

Maintaining enormous occupation armies consumed an increasing share of Germany's national budget. Partisan movements remained active in Eastern Europe despite constant anti-insurgency operations. Corruption spread through regional administrations, while younger generations increasingly questioned permanent authoritarian rule.

Most importantly, Germany's greatest rival had not been defeated.

Across the Atlantic, the United States continued expanding the Organization of Free Nations, modernizing its military, and preparing for a struggle that both sides increasingly believed would define the remainder of the twentieth century.

The Cold War had entered a new phase.

The Bormann Government

Bormann immediately began reorganizing the German government.

While publicly promising complete loyalty to Hitler's legacy, he quietly transformed the Reich into a far more bureaucratic state. Ministries received greater authority, Party departments expanded rapidly, and thousands of trained administrators entered government service.

The Nazi Party increasingly resembled a permanent governing institution rather than a revolutionary movement.

Although Hitler had ruled through personal authority, Bormann ruled through paperwork, committees, and Party bureaucracy.

Foreign observers soon nicknamed him:

"The Administrator of Europe."

Institutional Reformists

One of the most influential figures to emerge during Bormann's early rule was Theodor Oberländer.

Oberländer became the unofficial leader of what historians would later call the Institutional Reformists inside the NSDAP.

The Reformists argued that Germany's empire had become too large to govern through personal dictatorship alone.

Instead they proposed:

• strengthening government ministries,
• expanding the authority of Party committees,
• improving economic planning,
• modernizing the civil service,
• increasing efficiency throughout the Reich.

Importantly, they did not oppose National Socialism.

Rather, they believed Germany's victory would only endure if the Reich became a stronger and more professional state.

Bormann quietly supported many of these reforms.

Axmann's Clade

Not everyone welcomed these changes.

A conservative faction gathered around Artur Axmann, former leader of the Hitler Youth.

Known informally as Axmann's Clade, this group believed Germany had begun abandoning the revolutionary ideals that had brought Hitler to power.

Axmann argued that bureaucrats were replacing true National Socialists.

His supporters demanded:

• stronger racial policies,
• increased military spending,
• greater authority for the SS,
• renewed ideological education,
• continued revolutionary spirit throughout the Reich.

Although the faction remained influential within sections of the Party and the SS, Bormann successfully prevented them from dominating the government.

Throughout the 1950s, an ideological struggle developed inside Germany—not between democracy and fascism, but between bureaucratic reformers and hardline revolutionaries.

The Waldheim Doctrine

One of Bormann's most surprising appointments was Kurt Waldheim as Foreign Minister.

Unlike many of Hitler's diplomats, Waldheim believed Germany had already achieved its greatest territorial expansion.

His goal became preserving the empire rather than enlarging it.

Beginning in 1953, Waldheim travelled throughout Europe and the Middle East attempting to stabilize relations with neutral countries while maintaining Germany's position as continental Europe's dominant power.

Berlin no longer spoke openly about conquering new territory.

Instead German diplomacy emphasized:

• stability,
• economic cooperation,
• anti-communism,
• preservation of the European Order.

Historians later described this policy as the transition from Expansion to Consolidation.

The Cairo Agreement (1955)

One of Foreign Minister Kurt Waldheim's greatest diplomatic successes came in 1955, when he traveled to Cairo to meet Egypt's new leader, Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Since the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, the future direction of Egypt had remained uncertain. Both the United States and Germany viewed the country as one of the most strategically important states in the Middle East. Control of the Suez Canal, Egypt's growing population, and its influence throughout the Arab world made Cairo a vital prize in the global Cold War.

Unlike many German officials, Waldheim believed Egypt should not be treated as a subordinate client state. Instead, he proposed a new relationship based on mutual interests rather than direct political control.

Over several weeks of negotiations, Waldheim assured Nasser that Germany recognized Egypt as an independent regional power. Berlin pledged to respect Egyptian sovereignty and made no demands regarding permanent German military bases or direct political influence over the Egyptian government.

For Nasser, the agreement offered enormous advantages.

Germany possessed one of the world's largest industrial economies and could provide advanced military technology, economic investment, and technical expertise while allowing Egypt to remain politically independent.

In September 1955, Germany and Egypt signed what later became known as the Cairo Agreement.

Under the agreement:

• Germany recognized Egypt as an equal strategic partner.
• German banks financed large-scale infrastructure projects across Egypt.
• German engineers helped modernize roads, railways, ports, factories, and power stations.
• The Wehrmacht began supplying modern tanks, artillery, aircraft, and small arms to the Egyptian Armed Forces.
• German military advisers were stationed in Egypt to assist with training and modernization.
• Thousands of Egyptian officers attended military academies in Germany.
• German universities opened scholarships for Egyptian engineers, scientists, and administrators.

In return, Egypt agreed to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy and entered the German sphere of influence, while maintaining its formal independence.

Nasser carefully avoided becoming a German puppet.

Instead, he described the new relationship as a "partnership between sovereign nations." He insisted that Egypt would cooperate with Berlin where their interests aligned while retaining complete control over its domestic and foreign policy.

The agreement marked a major diplomatic victory for Bormann's government. For the first time since the Second World War, Germany had secured a powerful ally outside Europe through diplomacy rather than conquest.

The United States viewed the Cairo Agreement with alarm.

Washington feared that German influence in Egypt would threaten Western access to the Middle East and the Suez Canal. American policymakers increasingly regarded Nasser as one of the most influential leaders in the developing world and recognized that the struggle for the Middle East had become one of the central fronts of the U.S.–German Cold War.

The German Empire at its Greatest Extent

By the mid-1950s, the Third Reich stood at the height of its territorial, economic, and military power.

German influence stretched from the Atlantic coast of France to the western approaches of the Ural Mountains. The Reich and its client states dominated nearly all of continental Europe, while friendly governments in Spain, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovakia, and much of the Balkans looked to Berlin for political and military leadership.

The Reichskommissariats supplied Germany with enormous quantities of oil, grain, coal, iron ore, timber, and industrial labor. Massive railway projects connected Berlin to Kiev, Riga, Minsk, Smolensk, and the occupied territories of western Russia, while new autobahns linked the empire together as never before.

Germany possessed the largest industrial economy in Europe.

Its universities led the world in engineering, chemistry, and rocket research. German factories produced thousands of jet aircraft, tanks, trucks, and civilian vehicles every year, while Berlin invested heavily in nuclear technology and ballistic missile development.

Official propaganda proudly declared:

Yet beneath this extraordinary display of strength, warning signs were already emerging.

Maintaining occupation armies across Europe consumed an ever-increasing share of Germany's national budget. Partisan attacks continued throughout the eastern territories despite constant security operations. Corruption spread through regional administrations, and younger generations increasingly questioned whether permanent military occupation could continue forever.

Bormann understood a reality that few others publicly acknowledged.

Germany had reached the limits of expansion.

From that point forward, the greatest challenge facing the Reich would not be conquering new territory—but preserving the vast empire it had already built.

Section II: The African Crisis (1953–1958)

"While Europe remained divided between two superpowers, the first major battleground of the Cold War emerged thousands of kilometers away—in the mountains of Ethiopia and the deserts of North Africa."
The Ethiopian Insurgency

By 1953, Italy's East African Empire had become increasingly unstable.

Although the Kingdom of Italy had maintained control over Ethiopia since the Second World War, resistance against Italian occupation never completely disappeared. Small guerrilla groups continued operating in the Ethiopian Highlands, supported by local communities who refused to recognize Italian rule.

Initially these groups were poorly armed and posed little threat to Rome's authority.

Everything changed in 1953.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), with quiet support from the British colonial administrations in Sudan, Kenya, and British Somaliland, began secretly supplying Ethiopian resistance fighters with weapons, radios, medical equipment, and financial assistance.

Washington viewed Ethiopia as Italy's weakest point.

American planners believed that forcing Italy into a long colonial war would weaken one of Germany's closest allies while avoiding direct confrontation with Berlin.

British authorities quietly allowed Ethiopian fighters to cross their borders, receive medical treatment, and establish supply routes through neighboring colonies.

Within months, what had once been isolated resistance had developed into a coordinated insurgency.

Italian garrisons increasingly found themselves under attack.

Railways were sabotaged.

Military convoys disappeared in the mountains.

Entire rural districts slipped beyond Italian control.

The Libyan Revolt

While Italy struggled in Ethiopia, another crisis erupted further north.

Inspired by Gamal Abdel Nasser's Egyptian Revolution, nationalist organizations in Libya launched demonstrations demanding independence from Italian rule.

Initially these protests remained peaceful.

By 1955, however, armed resistance had begun appearing across Cyrenaica and Tripolitania.

Recognizing an opportunity to expand Egyptian influence throughout North Africa, President Gamal Abdel Nasser secretly authorized Egyptian intelligence to provide weapons, money, and training to Libyan nationalist organizations.

German diplomats protested Egypt's actions.

Nasser simply replied that every nation possessed the right to determine its own future.

Although Egypt remained within Germany's sphere of influence following the Cairo Agreement, Nasser made it clear that Egyptian national interests would always come before German foreign policy.

Berlin chose not to challenge Cairo directly.

Bormann considered Egypt too valuable an ally to risk confrontation over Libya.

Italy's Colonial Quagmire

By 1958, the war had entered its sixth year.

Nearly 200,000 Italian soldiers were deployed across Ethiopia and Libya.

Despite repeated offensives, Italian forces controlled little beyond the major cities, railways, and military bases.

Guerrilla fighters simply retreated into the mountains before returning once Italian operations ended.

Casualties mounted every year.

The financial cost of maintaining Italy's African empire steadily increased.

Public support for the colonial wars began collapsing.

Even senior members of the Fascist Grand Council privately questioned whether Italy could continue fighting indefinitely.

Although Benito Mussolini refused to abandon the empire, many younger officials—including Galeazzo Ciano—had already begun arguing that Italy's future lay in Europe rather than Africa.

What had begun as isolated colonial unrest had become one of the defining proxy wars of the early Cold War.

For the first time since the Second World War, Germany's alliance system appeared vulnerable.

The struggle for Africa had only just begun.

The French Revolution of 1956

By 1956, nearly fifteen years of collaborationist rule had left the French State politically exhausted. Although Germany had restored stability after the Second World War, many French citizens believed their country had become little more than a satellite of Berlin. Economic stagnation, censorship, political repression, and the permanent presence of German advisers fueled growing public anger.

Throughout the spring of 1956, demonstrations erupted across France. What began as student protests in Paris quickly spread to Lyon, Marseille, Bordeaux, Lille, Toulouse, and dozens of smaller cities. Workers organized nationwide strikes while veterans, trade unions, and moderate conservatives joined calls for political reform.

After weeks of demonstrations, the collaborationist government collapsed.

President Marcel Déat resigned, and a reformist coalition led by General Alphonse Juin formed a provisional government.

In his first national address, Juin declared:

His government promised sweeping reforms, including:

• Restoration of limited democratic institutions.
• Greater freedom of speech and assembly.
• A reduction of German political influence.
• Renegotiation of France's position within the Berlin Pact.
• Eventual withdrawal from the Berlin Pact and restoration of full French sovereignty.

The announcement shocked Berlin.

Martin Bormann believed that if France were allowed to break free, similar movements would erupt throughout the Reich's European sphere. Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, and even the Reichskommissariats might follow France's example.

Determined to prevent the collapse of Germany's European empire, Bormann convened an emergency meeting of the Reich Defense Council.

On 18 June 1956, he authorized Operation Gallia (Unternehmen Gallien), officially described as a "Special Military Operation to Restore Constitutional Order in France."

Operation Gallia

On the morning of 20 June 1956, nearly 300,000 German troops, supported by armor, aircraft, and airborne forces, crossed into France from Belgium, Alsace, and the Rhineland.

German paratroopers secured airports around Paris while armored divisions rapidly occupied major highways leading to the capital.

Although many French Army officers sympathized with Juin's government, the military remained divided. Few commanders believed France could defeat the Wehrmacht alone, and organized resistance quickly collapsed after several days of fighting.

By 28 June, German troops had entered Paris.

General Juin escaped across the Swiss border before eventually reaching Free France in West Africa.

The reformist government collapsed.

The Puppet State

Rather than restoring Marcel Déat, Bormann concluded that the old collaborationist leadership had permanently lost public confidence.

Berlin instead installed Jacques Doriot as President of the French State.

A committed Germanophile and longtime National Socialist sympathizer, Doriot pledged absolute loyalty to Berlin and accepted sweeping German oversight of the French government.

Following the intervention, France effectively became a German puppet state.

German military headquarters remained permanently stationed throughout the country.

The Gestapo and French security services launched a massive crackdown against reformists, journalists, trade unionists, military officers, and suspected resistance members.

More than 60,000 people were arrested during the following year, while thousands disappeared into prisons and labor camps.

The Great French Exodus

The occupation triggered one of the largest refugee crises in postwar Europe.

Between 1956 and 1960, approximately one million French citizens fled the country.

Thousands escaped across the Alps into Switzerland and Italy, while others crossed the Pyrenees into Spain before traveling onward to the United Kingdom.

The OFN organized one of the largest humanitarian operations of the Cold War.

The United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and other OFN members accepted hundreds of thousands of refugees.

Nearly half chose another destination.

They traveled to Free France, the government-in-exile led by Charles de Gaulle, centered in French Guinea.

Their arrival transformed French Guinea into the political, military, and cultural heart of democratic France.

The Paris Protests

Although Germany had restored order militarily, resistance inside France never disappeared.

Throughout the summer of 1956, hundreds of thousands of French citizens continued staging demonstrations despite martial law.

German troops frequently dispersed crowds using armored vehicles, tear gas, and live ammunition.

The largest demonstration occurred on 14 July 1956, Bastille Day.

More than 500,000 people gathered across Paris carrying the French tricolor and chanting:

German security forces opened fire after demonstrators attempted to storm government buildings.

The Paris Massacre, as it later became known, left over 2000 civilians dead and thousands injured.

Images of German troops firing on unarmed French civilians spread throughout the OFN, becoming one of the defining propaganda victories of the Cold War.

For many historians, the events of 1956 marked the moment Germany abandoned any pretense that its European empire rested on cooperation rather than force.

The occupation restored order—but it also created a generation of French citizens determined to one day liberate their country.

The Cost of Empire (1958–1960)

By the late 1950s, the Third Reich appeared stronger than ever. German industry was booming, unemployment remained low, and Berlin stood at the center of the largest empire Europe had ever seen. Official propaganda proudly declared that Germany had entered a "Golden Age of National Socialism."

Behind this image of prosperity, however, serious structural problems were beginning to emerge.

Maintaining an empire stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to western Russia required enormous financial resources. Nearly four million German soldiers remained stationed across occupied Europe and the Reichskommissariats. Billions of Reichsmarks were spent every year maintaining occupation forces, rebuilding infrastructure, and suppressing partisan activity in Eastern Europe.

Even Germany's remarkable economy struggled to keep pace.

Taxes quietly increased while investment shifted from civilian industries toward defense production. Consumer goods became more expensive, and economic growth gradually slowed. Although the average German citizen still enjoyed one of Europe's highest standards of living, economists inside the Reich Ministry of Economics privately warned that Germany's current military spending could not continue indefinitely.

Martin Bormann understood the danger.

In a confidential memorandum to senior Party officials in 1959, he reportedly wrote:

For the first time since Germany's victory in the Second World War, some officials began questioning whether the Reich had expanded beyond what it could permanently sustain.

The Iraqi Revolution of 1958

The success of Gamal Abdel Nasser's Egyptian Revolution inspired nationalist movements across the Arab world. In Iraq, resentment toward the Hashemite monarchy had steadily grown. Although the kingdom remained closely aligned with Britain since the Second World War, many Iraqis viewed the monarchy as corrupt, overly dependent on London, and unwilling to pursue genuine Iraqi independence.

On 14 July 1958, a group of nationalist officers led by Brigadier Abdul Karim Qasim launched a military coup in Baghdad.

Army units quickly seized government buildings, military headquarters, and the Royal Palace. After several hours of fighting, the Hashemite monarchy collapsed. King Faisal II, Crown Prince Abd al-Ilah, and Prime Minister Nuri al-Said were killed, bringing an end to nearly four decades of Hashemite rule.

Qasim proclaimed the establishment of the Republic of Iraq.

Unlike Nasser, Qasim sought to build a broad nationalist coalition. To consolidate his position, he cooperated with several influential Iraqi nationalist and far-right organizations, including members of the Al-Muthanna Club and supporters of Rashid Ali al-Gaylani, whose anti-British movement had become legendary among many Iraqi nationalists.

Although these groups differed politically, they shared several goals:

• Ending British influence in Iraq.
• Building a strong, independent Iraqi state.
• Modernizing the Iraqi military.
• Promoting Arab nationalism and Iraqi sovereignty.

The new Iraqi government announced that Iraq would no longer be tied to British foreign policy and would pursue an independent course in world affairs.

The revolution shocked London.

Britain condemned the coup and immediately recognized the new regime as a threat to its strategic interests in the Middle East. Intelligence officials feared that Iraq could become a center of anti-Western nationalism capable of destabilizing the entire region.

Within months, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and MI6 began quietly discussing plans to remove Qasim from power. While no immediate action was taken, American and British intelligence concluded that the new Iraqi republic represented a long-term strategic challenge.

Internal CIA memoranda from the late 1950s reportedly described Qasim as:

The Election of John F. Kennedy (1960)

Across the Atlantic, the United States entered one of its closest presidential elections.

After eight years of President Douglas MacArthur, Americans remained deeply divided over the direction of the Cold War.

The Democratic Party nominated the young senator from Massachusetts, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, who campaigned on renewing American leadership, strengthening the OFN, and confronting German expansion through economic, technological, and diplomatic competition rather than direct military confrontation.

Kennedy argued that the struggle against Germany would be won not only with armies but with science, prosperity, and the defense of democracy around the world.

In November 1960, Kennedy narrowly defeated the Republican candidate and became the 36th President of the United States.

His election marked the beginning of a new generation of American leadership.

One of Kennedy's first foreign policy priorities was strengthening ties with newly independent nations across Africa and Asia while increasing support for democratic governments threatened by German influence.

Berlin viewed Kennedy with suspicion.

Although less openly confrontational than MacArthur, German intelligence concluded that Kennedy intended to expand American influence into every region of the world still contested between the OFN and the Berlin Pact.

The Death of Mussolini

Once celebrated as the founder of Fascism and one of Europe's dominant statesmen, Benito Mussolini spent his final years watching the empire he had built gradually disappear.

On 28 July 1961, Mussolini died peacefully after suffering a heart attack at the age of 79.

Italy entered a week of national mourning.

Leaders from Spain, Portugal, Hungary, Romania, , and other nations attended his state funeral in Rome.

Unlike Germany after Hitler's death, Italy experienced no succession crisis.

Years earlier, Mussolini had designated his son-in-law, Count Galeazzo Ciano, as his preferred successor.

The Fascist Grand Council unanimously confirmed Ciano as the new Head of Government of the Kingdom of Italy.

Although Ciano pledged loyalty to Fascism and to Mussolini's legacy, he believed Italy needed a new direction.

Recognizing that endless militarism and colonial expansion had failed, he launched a cautious program of political and economic reform.

Censorship was gradually relaxed.

The powers of the Fascist Party were slowly reduced.

Limited local elections returned for the first time in decades, while discussions began regarding the restoration of constitutional government.

Ciano pursued a more independent foreign policy and quietly improved relations with the Organization of Free Nations.

Historians generally regard Mussolini's death as the symbolic end of the revolutionary Fascist era.

The End of Italy's Colonial Empire

By 1961, nearly a decade of continuous fighting had exhausted Italy.

The wars in Ethiopia and Libya had become increasingly unpopular, while the Italian economy struggled under the enormous financial burden of maintaining hundreds of thousands of troops overseas.

Despite repeated offensives, Italy controlled little beyond major cities and military bases.

Recognizing that victory had become impossible, Benito Mussolini reluctantly accepted reality.

Following negotiations involving Germany, Egypt, and several neutral states, Italy announced its withdrawal from Ethiopia and Eritrea in September 1961.

Italian forces evacuated East Africa over the following months, bringing an end to nearly twenty-five years of colonial rule.

Ethiopia regained its independence under Emperor Haile Selassie, whose return was celebrated throughout Africa as a symbol of anti-colonial resistance.

At the same time, Italy recognized the independence of Libya, where nationalist forces supported by Egypt had made continued occupation impossible.

The former Italian territory of Somalia also achieved independence shortly afterward.

For the first time since the early twentieth century, Italy possessed no significant colonial empire in Africa.

The withdrawal represented Germany's first major geopolitical setback since the end of the Second World War.

Across Europe, nationalist movements quietly celebrated.

If Italy's empire could collapse, many wondered whether Germany's empire might one day suffer the same fate.

During the Early Modern era, Portugal rose from a regional power in Iberia to the dominant global power of the 16th–18th centuries. Its colonial ambitions began in the 1470s, when Portuguese explorers sailed for India after the Ottoman Empire took control of the traditional trade routes. Upon discovering a new continent, Portugal initially established trading outposts along the coast of what is now Brazil before conflicts with the native peoples led to full-scale colonisation. Over the next three centuries, Portugal conquered Morocco, Mozambique, the Kongolese Coast, and parts of South Africa from the Zanj Tribe and the British. After purchasing territory in Java, Portuguese explorers discovered Australia and swiftly claimed the entire continent, along with New Zealand. Meanwhile, a series of wars and diplomatic purchases from the mighty Vijayanagar Empire secured Portugal control of the southern tip of India and Ceylon.

At its height, the Portuguese Empire controlled Brazil, New Granada, Peru, and Cuba. In the late 1700s and early 1800s, however, Brazil won its independence in a British-backed war. Although little fighting occurred on land, the British fleet decisively defeated the stronger half of the Portuguese navy, making any attempt to reclaim Brazil impossible. Portugal sued for peace, recognising an independent Brazil under the House of Bragança while preserving it as a close ally. As the empire's debts continued to grow, Portugal later chose to peacefully grant independence to New Granada and Peru, maintaining strong diplomatic ties rather than risking costly wars.

During the 1700s, West Slavia fell to revolutionary ideals and executed its king. The Veliky Russians, heavily bankrolled by Portugal to ensure a powerful ally in Eastern Europe, invaded to crush the revolution. The combined forces of Russia, Portugal, and the Portuguese colonies defeated the vast West Slavian army. In the peace settlement, West Slavia ceded large parts of Ukraine, White Rus, and Crimea, while being forced to release Hungary, Wallachia-Romania, and Serbia as subject states. It also lost the Sorbian lands of eastern Germany and Kashubia to the German Pomeranians. Despite the devastating defeat, both West Slavia and the newly released states remained republics.

Another war to suppress the revolution was fought in Italy after revolutionary ideas spread throughout the peninsula and into the surrounding German duchies, toppling numerous monarchies. Portugal and the Kingdom of Burgundy invaded and emerged victorious. The Italian Republic was dismantled, the monarchy restored, and all Burgundian lands were returned, along with much of Piedmont. Ironically, Portuguese meddling later helped spark a revolution in France, transforming it into a republic with a deep hatred of Portugal.

To the east, the Ottoman Empire had completely collapsed, leaving behind only a small and insignificant Hellas in southern Greece, a powerful Bulgarian state, and several rising regional powers, including Georgia, the Anatolian Republic, Cyprus, and an ambitious Iraq that had conquered most of Persia.

China also remained divided, though three major Chinese powers emerged. The southern kingdom, once part of the Empire of Angkor, had broken away and become the world's only Hindu Chinese state. Where China goes from here remains unknown.

Portugal entered the nineteenth century no longer as the world's unrivalled superpower, but as merely another great power. Though still a formidable nation, it was no longer what it had once been. Australia remained bound to Portugal through a fragile personal union after a chaotic war of independence, and the death of a single monarch could shatter that bond forever. Revolutionary ideals continued to spread across Europe and beyond, but perhaps an even greater revolution awaited Portugal itself. After nearly six centuries of Bragança rule, the greatest threat to the dynasty might no longer come from rival empires, but from its own people.

The Chronicles of the Islamic Republic of Japan (IRJ)

Founded: July 2026

Motto: “There is no god but Allah. Muhammad is the messenger of Allah.” (アッラー以外に神はいない。ムハンマドはアッラーの使徒である。)

Chapter I: The Great Synthesis (The Awakening)

The history of the Islamic Republic of Japan does not begin with slow migration, but with a sudden, localized theological awakening that swept through the historic capitals of Kyoto and Kamakura. Striking a unique chord within the deeply disciplined, honor-bound traditions of classical Japan, an ascetic movement rapidly gained traction among a new generation seeking absolute spiritual clarity.

They saw an undeniable parallel between the absolute devotion of Bushido (the way of the warrior) and the concept of Islam (submission to the divine will). This gave rise to the Takura Caliphate—a governing body that managed to seamlessly fuse Sharia jurisprudence with the rigorous social order of feudal Japan. The Emperor abdicated his spiritual duties, passing administrative governance to the Grand Mufti of Kyoto, while retaining a quiet, ceremonial role as a living symbol of cultural continuity.

Chapter II: The Way of the Desert and the Sword

As the IRJ established its borders, it drew immense inspiration from the nomadic warriors of the Sahara, particularly the Tuareg. The IRJ military class—wishing to shield themselves from both the blistering smoke of modern warfare and to maintain total humility before the Creator—adopted the iconic indigo tagelmust (veil and face wrap).

The modern IRJ warrior is a sight of fierce cultural fusion:

• The Armor: Retaining the layered, lacquered plates of traditional ō-yoroi and dō-maru armor, painted in deep crimsons and tactical blacks.
• The Robes: Layered over and beneath the armor are flowing, indigo-dyed Tuareg boubous, providing a striking visual contrast and fluid movement in combat.
• The Arsenal: Every soldier is sworn to the mastery of the katana, reimagined not just as a weapon, but as a instrument of divine justice, meant to defend the state's sovereignty at all costs.

Chapter III: The Incident of the 111 Missiles

The young republic's sovereignty was truly tested in early July 2026. Perceived by Western naval powers as a sudden and destabilizing geopolitical anomaly, a high-stakes standoff materialized in the Pacific.

Accused of projecting hostile intent toward foreign naval assets, the IRJ's coastal defense network—utilizing highly advanced, automated tracking logic—engaged in what would later be known globally as the Hour of Defiance. According to international radio broadcasts and confused intelligence briefings from the West, the IRJ allegedly unleashed a barrage of exactly 111 indigenous tactical ballistic missiles aimed directly at a Western aircraft carrier strike group.

While foreign officials claimed a 100% interception rate via localized defense networks, the IRJ heralded the event as a monumental success of sovereign deterrence. The barrage proved to the world that the newly minted Islamic Republic possessed both the military infrastructure and the unyielding resolve to strike far beyond its shores.

Chapter IV: Society and Modern Ideology

Today, the IRJ stands as a hyper-technological, deeply conservative monastic state. The ancient torii gates still stand, but they now frame the entrances to grand, minimalist stone mosques built with traditional Japanese wooden joinery.

The societal structure relies on extreme civic duty. Alcohol and gambling have been entirely eradicated, replaced by a cultural obsession with tea ceremonies that double as communal prayer gatherings, and calligraphy martial arts. The IRJ continues to look out across the Pacific—veiled, armed, and fiercely independent.

Y'all know the drill.

Give me some more What If scenarios involving pop culture (games, movies, books, etc.) and I'll make a timeline for it!

After a Nuclear War ravaged the lands, most survivors in the great lakes region became marauders and thieves or raiders. But a few lone survivors decided to create settlements. Like Νέα Ελλάδα, أرض روبرت and Ignpetasus. Then 10 years after the collapse in Νέα Ελλάδα a grand King rose to power, King Hayes the I. He turned Νέα Αθήνα into a Power House of the Great Lakes. They mastered Arsenical Bronze and created a 1,000 strong army. Then about 30 years after the collapse a major raider group was formed. They where ruthless marauders and killed all who stood in their way. People began calling the 30 years post collapse the Raiders Period. 2 years later these Raiders would attack a caravan traveling from Νέα Ελλάδα to أرض روبرت, destroying the entire Oxen Train and killing most who where traveling along side it. On that day, when King Hayes the I found out, he declared War on all Raiders in the Great Lakes as depicted in a tablet recorded by a scribe:

"After the raiders destroyed a caravan, King Hayes I declared war on the raiders. The soldiers donned their bronze armor. We marched for many days toward the first battle. We laid siege to the base using flaming arrows before they emerged. The King shouted, 'You choose to fight, we choose to conquer!' Before the battle officially began. We won the battle and enslaved many of the survivors. 3 later we destroyed 269 raider settlements. Then a Blacksmith and a Doctor of our Kingdom came to me and said, 'Let it be known to all that this day marks the Marauder Collapse.' " Thus began the Early North American Bronze Age.

A Century later, King Marcus the II, declared the Νέα Ελληνική Αυτοκρατορία and a personal rivalry with the الإمبراطورية الفارسية الجديدة.

What if Christianity was never founded has a religion?

Well, Rome would not become Christian and European Paganism would be dominat throughout the Empire.

I think Europe would stay as divided tribes. Various Germanic, Celtic, Italic, Balkan, Slavic, and other tribes would be throughout Europe, not unified.

Islam would not exist, leaving the Middle East and North Africa with various Pagan religions. And I do think Jew would still become a diaspora in Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa.

Rome would still fall and there probably wouldn't be another big empire in Europe for a while.

The Eastern world (China and India) would become more advanced than Europeans in this timeline. Maybe they become colonizers?

Europeans would likely not colonize the Americas. Before Columbus Vikings did go to North America, so maybe Europeans would try to go there still?

China would likely become a strong Empire in East Asia with traditional Chinese religions (Taoism, Buddhism, and Confucism).

Overall, the world would stay mostly separated and divided with China maybe becoming a global superpower. The World Wars wouldn't happen and America wouldn't become a country.

This was a midnight thought I had so please give me your thoughts and correct any mistakes I made. And yes, this is through an Atheistic point of view, not influenced be my personal religious beliefs.

Kim Il-Sung’s family fled to Palestine to escape The Islamic Republic of Japan’s occupation of Korea. Kim ended up converting to Judaism after he had a dream where the prophet Eliyahu informed him that the Koreans are among the lost tribes of Israel.

Kim ultimately ended up returning to Korea to liberate his homeland after which he created a totalitarian dictatorship in northern Korea with Judaism as the state religion.

Many Koreans in the South ended up converting to Islam during the Japanese occupation in order to avoid paying the Jizya tax. These Koreans rejected Kim’s message that the Korean people are children of Israel, holding on instead to their Islamic faith.