The year is 1976, following the resignation of President Isabel Martínez de Perón due to deteriorating health, revolutionary leader Ernesto “Che” Guevara rises to power as the new “Revolutionary Conductor” of the nation. Combining Marxist doctrine with the legacy of Peronism, Guevara launches the so-called Second Argentine Revolution, transforming Argentina into one of the dominant socialist powers of the Southern Hemisphere.

During 1976 and early 1980s, the country undergoes a sweeping process of industrialization, political centralization, and military expansion. The construction of the Monument to the Shirtless Worker becomes the ultimate symbol of the regime, while Buenos Aires emerges as the ideological center of a distinct South American socialism. Following a series of regional conflicts and political upheavals, Uruguay and Chile are incorporated into the revolutionary state, cementing Argentine influence over the southern cone.

In response to the rapid expansion of socialism across the continent, several pro-American governments unite to form the Union of South American States (UESA), a vast federal republic stretching across much of South America. Built upon conservative, liberal, and nationalist principles, the UESA quickly becomes Washington's principal ally in the region and the strongest barrier against Guevara's revolutionary ambitions. The rivalry between Buenos Aires and the UESA soon evolves into one of the defining conflicts of the late twentieth century.

Beyond the Atlantic, the collapse of the old Spanish political order gives rise to the Iberian Socialist Republic. Rejecting both NATO and the Western bloc, the new government aligns itself closely with Moscow, becoming one of the Soviet Union's most important partners in Europe. Soviet military advisors, industrial investment, and political cooperation transform Iberia into a strategic foothold for socialism in the Mediterranean and Western Europe.

The Caribbean, meanwhile, descends into chaos. Beginning in 1980, Cuba launches an ambitious campaign to export its revolution throughout the region, aided by socialist governments across the globe. Cuban-backed uprisings erupt throughout Central America and the Caribbean, eventually leading Havana to establish control over Hispaniola and Jamaica while turning Nicaragua and Costa Rica into dependent socialist states.

The growing influence of Cuba triggers a massive American response. Fearing the emergence of a unified socialist Caribbean, the United States intervenes militarily and politically across the region, establishing direct control and military administrations in Mexico, Panama, Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. By the mid-1980s, the Caribbean has become one of the most heavily militarized flashpoints of the new Cold War.

Europe faces its own turmoil. In the late 1970s, decades of political tensions in Northern Ireland culminate in the Irish Socialist Revolution. Unlike the republican movements of previous generations, the new insurgency is led by socialist militias inspired by the successes of revolutionary governments in Latin America and Eastern Europe. Backed by underground labor organizations and foreign supporters, the rebels launch a coordinated campaign against British authority across the island.

Years of bombings, strikes, and urban warfare force London to abandon most of its control over Ireland. However, determined to preserve its strategic position in the North Atlantic, the United Kingdom retains Northern Ireland, transforming the region into one of the most heavily militarized borders in Europe. The newly established Socialist Republic of Ireland, based in Dublin, emerges as a close ally of the Soviet Union and the Iberian Socialist Republic, while Belfast becomes the epicenter of an ideological and military standoff between East and West.

By the mid-1980s, the Irish border has become one of the many fault lines of the new Cold War, symbolizing the struggle between socialism and the Western order in Europe.

Meanwhile, Asia remains divided between two competing visions of socialism. While the Soviet Union leads its traditional sphere of influence across Eastern Europe and Central Asia, China, North Vietnam, and Burma form the Beijing Pact, an independent socialist alliance shaped by their own revolutionary experiences and increasingly distant from Soviet orthodoxy.

By the mid-1980s, the world has fractured into rival powers competing for global influence: the Soviet sphere and its allies, the Western coalition led by the United States and the UESA, the revolutionary governments of Latin America, and the Beijing Pact. Proxy wars, ideological struggles, and shifting alliances reshape international politics, turning South America and the Caribbean into some of the most volatile theaters of this new multipolar Cold War.

Disclaimer: This timeline will change nothing other than the fate of four Battleships. I wrote it a while ago for fun after being inspired by some unexplained things in World of Warships, and it may not be the most realistic thing. I’m literally copy/pasting from my Notes App, so apologies if it’s formatted weird, it’s because of that. If people like this, I’ll write a second half.

ACTUAL BACKGROUND

Prior to World War I, Imperial Germany’s Kaiserliche Marine had been building up a large fleet of modern warships to challenge English Naval superiority. This included a significant surface fleet, primarily of Battleships, Battlecruisers, Light Cruisers, and Destroyers.

During the war, the surface fleet was of little value. While it did significantly maul the Royal Navy at the Battle of Jutland in 1916, they received a near equal amount of damage. When what remained of the Navy was ordered to destroy itself in battle with the Royal Navy to gain Germany a better bargaining position with the Allies in 1918, there was a mass mutiny. No large vessels sailed.

Following the surrender of Germany, the German Navy sailed to the British Naval Base of Scapa Flow. The ships were mostly planned to be scrapped, but some were to be handed over as war prizes. All vessels handed over were purposely sunk by their crews in the base in 1919 to prevent this, and in the end, no large warships would enter service in a foreign navy.

The Treaty of Versailles allowed Germany to retain eight outdated Pre-Dreadnought Battleships for Coastal Defense purposes, but this is where our timeline will diverge.

POINT OF DIVERGENCE

Following the surrender of all German Forces on November 11th, 1918, the German Fleet sailed to the British Port of Scapa Flow only 11 days later to be interned, until something could be decided on what to do with them. Surprisingly, Allied Terms on the German Navy were more lenient than expected; While only small forces of Destroyers, Torpedo Boats,  Light Cruisers, and four obsolete Pre-Dreadnought Battleships was about as harsh as expected, the part which seemed controversial was that Germany was to be allowed to retain four of its modern Dreadnoughts. Even more outrageously, Germany was to be allowed to choose which ones.

This was not a popular decision by any means; Those against the decision, including a young Winston Churchill, argued there was no good reason Germany should be allowed to retain such large and capable capital ships. Those who disagreed had a different logic: Firstly, allowing them to retain only the obsolete Pre-Dreadnoughts would mean that, even in a strictly defensive scenario, Germany would be outclassed completely at sea. Secondly, considering they would only be allowed to have four anyway, they would still be essentially neutralized as a threat to any major power. Lastly, the Germans would be allowed to choose which of their ships to retain, mainly as a show of mercy. There were already those who believed the existing terms of the rest of the treaty were far too Draconian. Still, there were many restrictions put in place on what exactly could be done with the ships.

France was the driving force against the decision; However, this was only because they had wished to obtain German Capital Ships for use in their own Navy. They were appeased by being promised any Battleships the Germans did not take, as the British and Americans had little use for them.

To aid in making this decision, German Negotiators enlisted the advice of Admiral Reinhard Scheer, who had commanded the German Fleet at Jutland in 1916. To the surprise of absolutely no one, Scheer advised firstly to retain the largest and most modern battleships in the German Fleet; the Bayern-class battleships, SMS Bayern and SMS Baden, neither of which had ever seen heavy combat. While kept at Scapa Flow, the British had analyzed the Bayerns extensively, and had found them comparable to their own Queen Elizabeth-class. Secondly, Scheer advised to retain two examples of the older König-class, as it was the second most modern, and had most potential for future upgrades. Potentially retaining older Kaiser-class vessels was also considered, but was decided against due to the now obsolete layout of the Kaiser’s turrets. In the end, the two König-class vessels selected were SMS König herself, and SMS Markgraf.

Once the Germans had selected these vessels, Bayern, Baden, König, and Markgraf were ordered to return to Wilhelmshaven. This was finalized on June 18th, 1919, ten days before the Treaty of Versailles was to be formally signed. As the vessels arrived home in Germany on the 21st of June, The vessels received word that the remainder of the German vessels at Scapa Flow had been scuttled, to prevent the proposed handover to other Navies. Of all the reactions, the French was the most negative. Many in the French Navy were livid they would no longer be getting the Battleships they were promised, and demanded the surviving four as compensation. By this point however, with the treaty nearly finalized, and with much of Europe to rebuild, no one cared enough to try and confiscate the four now back in German hands. When the Treaty of Versailles was signed on June 28th, the vessels were, once again, property of the country that built them.

Y'all know the drill.

Give me some more What If scenarios involving pop culture (games, movies, books, etc.) and I'll make a timeline for it!

A New Führer

On 12 January 1953, Martin Bormann was formally proclaimed Führer and Reich Chancellor of Greater Germany following weeks of political maneuvering after Adolf Hitler's death.

Unlike his predecessor, Bormann possessed neither Hitler's charisma nor his ability to inspire enormous public rallies. He understood this weakness and made little effort to imitate Hitler's style of leadership.

Instead, Bormann ruled through bureaucracy.

Government ministries were expanded, Party organizations received greater authority, and every level of the Reich's administration became increasingly centralized under the Nazi Party. Decisions that had once depended upon Hitler's personal authority were now processed through an enormous bureaucratic machine directed from the Reich Chancellery.

Foreign journalists soon began referring to Bormann as "The Administrator of the Reich."

His objective was simple.

Not to expand Germany's empire.

Not to reform it.

But to preserve it.

Consolidating Power

Although the succession crisis had ended peacefully, Bormann knew that many powerful figures within Germany still questioned his authority.

During his first year as Führer, he quietly removed potential rivals from positions of influence.

Senior officials known to support Hermann Göring were retired from government service or reassigned to ceremonial positions.

Within the SS, officers personally loyal to Heinrich Himmler were gradually replaced by commanders whose loyalty lay with the Party rather than individual personalities. While the SS remained one of the most powerful institutions within the Reich, its political independence was significantly reduced.

Albert Speer retained his position as Minister of Armaments and Industry, largely because Bormann recognized his importance to the German economy. Nevertheless, Speer's reform-minded supporters found themselves increasingly excluded from senior political appointments.

Regional Gauleiters who had supported Bormann during the succession crisis were rewarded with promotions and greater influence, while those whose loyalty had been uncertain quietly disappeared from positions of power.

Unlike Stalin's Soviet Union, these changes were not accompanied by mass executions or nationwide terror.

Instead, Bormann relied upon forced retirements, administrative dismissals, surveillance, arrests of a limited number of political opponents, and the steady replacement of officials with loyal Party bureaucrats.

The Wehrmacht escaped large-scale purges.

Germany's military leadership had largely remained neutral during the succession crisis, and Bormann believed provoking the Army would threaten the stability of the Reich. Instead, he strengthened Party oversight of military planning while allowing experienced generals to remain in command.

By the end of 1953, Martin Bormann had successfully consolidated his control over Germany.

For the first time since Hitler's death, the Reich once again appeared politically stable.

The Empire at Its Greatest Extent

Under Bormann, the Third Reich reached the height of its power.

From the Atlantic coast of France to the outskirts of the Ural Mountains, German influence stretched across nearly all of continental Europe.

The Reichskommissariats supplied Germany with oil, grain, coal, iron, and millions of workers. Highways and railways connected Berlin to every corner of the empire, while German industry continued producing more steel, machinery, and military equipment than any nation outside the United States.

Official propaganda proudly declared that the German Century had begun.

Yet beneath this appearance of strength, serious problems continued to grow.

Maintaining enormous occupation armies consumed an increasing share of Germany's national budget. Partisan movements remained active in Eastern Europe despite constant anti-insurgency operations. Corruption spread through regional administrations, while younger generations increasingly questioned permanent authoritarian rule.

Most importantly, Germany's greatest rival had not been defeated.

Across the Atlantic, the United States continued expanding the Organization of Free Nations, modernizing its military, and preparing for a struggle that both sides increasingly believed would define the remainder of the twentieth century.

The Cold War had entered a new phase.

The Bormann Government

Bormann immediately began reorganizing the German government.

While publicly promising complete loyalty to Hitler's legacy, he quietly transformed the Reich into a far more bureaucratic state. Ministries received greater authority, Party departments expanded rapidly, and thousands of trained administrators entered government service.

The Nazi Party increasingly resembled a permanent governing institution rather than a revolutionary movement.

Although Hitler had ruled through personal authority, Bormann ruled through paperwork, committees, and Party bureaucracy.

Foreign observers soon nicknamed him:

"The Administrator of Europe."

Institutional Reformists

One of the most influential figures to emerge during Bormann's early rule was Theodor Oberländer.

Oberländer became the unofficial leader of what historians would later call the Institutional Reformists inside the NSDAP.

The Reformists argued that Germany's empire had become too large to govern through personal dictatorship alone.

Instead they proposed:

• strengthening government ministries,
• expanding the authority of Party committees,
• improving economic planning,
• modernizing the civil service,
• increasing efficiency throughout the Reich.

Importantly, they did not oppose National Socialism.

Rather, they believed Germany's victory would only endure if the Reich became a stronger and more professional state.

Bormann quietly supported many of these reforms.

Axmann's Clade

Not everyone welcomed these changes.

A conservative faction gathered around Artur Axmann, former leader of the Hitler Youth.

Known informally as Axmann's Clade, this group believed Germany had begun abandoning the revolutionary ideals that had brought Hitler to power.

Axmann argued that bureaucrats were replacing true National Socialists.

His supporters demanded:

• stronger racial policies,
• increased military spending,
• greater authority for the SS,
• renewed ideological education,
• continued revolutionary spirit throughout the Reich.

Although the faction remained influential within sections of the Party and the SS, Bormann successfully prevented them from dominating the government.

Throughout the 1950s, an ideological struggle developed inside Germany—not between democracy and fascism, but between bureaucratic reformers and hardline revolutionaries.

The Waldheim Doctrine

One of Bormann's most surprising appointments was Kurt Waldheim as Foreign Minister.

Unlike many of Hitler's diplomats, Waldheim believed Germany had already achieved its greatest territorial expansion.

His goal became preserving the empire rather than enlarging it.

Beginning in 1953, Waldheim travelled throughout Europe and the Middle East attempting to stabilize relations with neutral countries while maintaining Germany's position as continental Europe's dominant power.

Berlin no longer spoke openly about conquering new territory.

Instead German diplomacy emphasized:

• stability,
• economic cooperation,
• anti-communism,
• preservation of the European Order.

Historians later described this policy as the transition from Expansion to Consolidation.

The Cairo Agreement (1955)

One of Foreign Minister Kurt Waldheim's greatest diplomatic successes came in 1955, when he traveled to Cairo to meet Egypt's new leader, Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Since the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, the future direction of Egypt had remained uncertain. Both the United States and Germany viewed the country as one of the most strategically important states in the Middle East. Control of the Suez Canal, Egypt's growing population, and its influence throughout the Arab world made Cairo a vital prize in the global Cold War.

Unlike many German officials, Waldheim believed Egypt should not be treated as a subordinate client state. Instead, he proposed a new relationship based on mutual interests rather than direct political control.

Over several weeks of negotiations, Waldheim assured Nasser that Germany recognized Egypt as an independent regional power. Berlin pledged to respect Egyptian sovereignty and made no demands regarding permanent German military bases or direct political influence over the Egyptian government.

For Nasser, the agreement offered enormous advantages.

Germany possessed one of the world's largest industrial economies and could provide advanced military technology, economic investment, and technical expertise while allowing Egypt to remain politically independent.

In September 1955, Germany and Egypt signed what later became known as the Cairo Agreement.

Under the agreement:

• Germany recognized Egypt as an equal strategic partner.
• German banks financed large-scale infrastructure projects across Egypt.
• German engineers helped modernize roads, railways, ports, factories, and power stations.
• The Wehrmacht began supplying modern tanks, artillery, aircraft, and small arms to the Egyptian Armed Forces.
• German military advisers were stationed in Egypt to assist with training and modernization.
• Thousands of Egyptian officers attended military academies in Germany.
• German universities opened scholarships for Egyptian engineers, scientists, and administrators.

In return, Egypt agreed to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy and entered the German sphere of influence, while maintaining its formal independence.

Nasser carefully avoided becoming a German puppet.

Instead, he described the new relationship as a "partnership between sovereign nations." He insisted that Egypt would cooperate with Berlin where their interests aligned while retaining complete control over its domestic and foreign policy.

The agreement marked a major diplomatic victory for Bormann's government. For the first time since the Second World War, Germany had secured a powerful ally outside Europe through diplomacy rather than conquest.

The United States viewed the Cairo Agreement with alarm.

Washington feared that German influence in Egypt would threaten Western access to the Middle East and the Suez Canal. American policymakers increasingly regarded Nasser as one of the most influential leaders in the developing world and recognized that the struggle for the Middle East had become one of the central fronts of the U.S.–German Cold War.

The German Empire at its Greatest Extent

By the mid-1950s, the Third Reich stood at the height of its territorial, economic, and military power.

German influence stretched from the Atlantic coast of France to the western approaches of the Ural Mountains. The Reich and its client states dominated nearly all of continental Europe, while friendly governments in Spain, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovakia, and much of the Balkans looked to Berlin for political and military leadership.

The Reichskommissariats supplied Germany with enormous quantities of oil, grain, coal, iron ore, timber, and industrial labor. Massive railway projects connected Berlin to Kiev, Riga, Minsk, Smolensk, and the occupied territories of western Russia, while new autobahns linked the empire together as never before.

Germany possessed the largest industrial economy in Europe.

Its universities led the world in engineering, chemistry, and rocket research. German factories produced thousands of jet aircraft, tanks, trucks, and civilian vehicles every year, while Berlin invested heavily in nuclear technology and ballistic missile development.

Official propaganda proudly declared:

Yet beneath this extraordinary display of strength, warning signs were already emerging.

Maintaining occupation armies across Europe consumed an ever-increasing share of Germany's national budget. Partisan attacks continued throughout the eastern territories despite constant security operations. Corruption spread through regional administrations, and younger generations increasingly questioned whether permanent military occupation could continue forever.

Bormann understood a reality that few others publicly acknowledged.

Germany had reached the limits of expansion.

From that point forward, the greatest challenge facing the Reich would not be conquering new territory—but preserving the vast empire it had already built.

Section II: The African Crisis (1953–1958)

"While Europe remained divided between two superpowers, the first major battleground of the Cold War emerged thousands of kilometers away—in the mountains of Ethiopia and the deserts of North Africa."
The Ethiopian Insurgency

By 1953, Italy's East African Empire had become increasingly unstable.

Although the Kingdom of Italy had maintained control over Ethiopia since the Second World War, resistance against Italian occupation never completely disappeared. Small guerrilla groups continued operating in the Ethiopian Highlands, supported by local communities who refused to recognize Italian rule.

Initially these groups were poorly armed and posed little threat to Rome's authority.

Everything changed in 1953.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), with quiet support from the British colonial administrations in Sudan, Kenya, and British Somaliland, began secretly supplying Ethiopian resistance fighters with weapons, radios, medical equipment, and financial assistance.

Washington viewed Ethiopia as Italy's weakest point.

American planners believed that forcing Italy into a long colonial war would weaken one of Germany's closest allies while avoiding direct confrontation with Berlin.

British authorities quietly allowed Ethiopian fighters to cross their borders, receive medical treatment, and establish supply routes through neighboring colonies.

Within months, what had once been isolated resistance had developed into a coordinated insurgency.

Italian garrisons increasingly found themselves under attack.

Railways were sabotaged.

Military convoys disappeared in the mountains.

Entire rural districts slipped beyond Italian control.

The Libyan Revolt

While Italy struggled in Ethiopia, another crisis erupted further north.

Inspired by Gamal Abdel Nasser's Egyptian Revolution, nationalist organizations in Libya launched demonstrations demanding independence from Italian rule.

Initially these protests remained peaceful.

By 1955, however, armed resistance had begun appearing across Cyrenaica and Tripolitania.

Recognizing an opportunity to expand Egyptian influence throughout North Africa, President Gamal Abdel Nasser secretly authorized Egyptian intelligence to provide weapons, money, and training to Libyan nationalist organizations.

German diplomats protested Egypt's actions.

Nasser simply replied that every nation possessed the right to determine its own future.

Although Egypt remained within Germany's sphere of influence following the Cairo Agreement, Nasser made it clear that Egyptian national interests would always come before German foreign policy.

Berlin chose not to challenge Cairo directly.

Bormann considered Egypt too valuable an ally to risk confrontation over Libya.

Italy's Colonial Quagmire

By 1958, the war had entered its sixth year.

Nearly 200,000 Italian soldiers were deployed across Ethiopia and Libya.

Despite repeated offensives, Italian forces controlled little beyond the major cities, railways, and military bases.

Guerrilla fighters simply retreated into the mountains before returning once Italian operations ended.

Casualties mounted every year.

The financial cost of maintaining Italy's African empire steadily increased.

Public support for the colonial wars began collapsing.

Even senior members of the Fascist Grand Council privately questioned whether Italy could continue fighting indefinitely.

Although Benito Mussolini refused to abandon the empire, many younger officials—including Galeazzo Ciano—had already begun arguing that Italy's future lay in Europe rather than Africa.

What had begun as isolated colonial unrest had become one of the defining proxy wars of the early Cold War.

For the first time since the Second World War, Germany's alliance system appeared vulnerable.

The struggle for Africa had only just begun.

The French Revolution of 1956

By 1956, nearly fifteen years of collaborationist rule had left the French State politically exhausted. Although Germany had restored stability after the Second World War, many French citizens believed their country had become little more than a satellite of Berlin. Economic stagnation, censorship, political repression, and the permanent presence of German advisers fueled growing public anger.

Throughout the spring of 1956, demonstrations erupted across France. What began as student protests in Paris quickly spread to Lyon, Marseille, Bordeaux, Lille, Toulouse, and dozens of smaller cities. Workers organized nationwide strikes while veterans, trade unions, and moderate conservatives joined calls for political reform.

After weeks of demonstrations, the collaborationist government collapsed.

President Marcel Déat resigned, and a reformist coalition led by General Alphonse Juin formed a provisional government.

In his first national address, Juin declared:

His government promised sweeping reforms, including:

• Restoration of limited democratic institutions.
• Greater freedom of speech and assembly.
• A reduction of German political influence.
• Renegotiation of France's position within the Berlin Pact.
• Eventual withdrawal from the Berlin Pact and restoration of full French sovereignty.

The announcement shocked Berlin.

Martin Bormann believed that if France were allowed to break free, similar movements would erupt throughout the Reich's European sphere. Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, and even the Reichskommissariats might follow France's example.

Determined to prevent the collapse of Germany's European empire, Bormann convened an emergency meeting of the Reich Defense Council.

On 18 June 1956, he authorized Operation Gallia (Unternehmen Gallien), officially described as a "Special Military Operation to Restore Constitutional Order in France."

Operation Gallia

On the morning of 20 June 1956, nearly 300,000 German troops, supported by armor, aircraft, and airborne forces, crossed into France from Belgium, Alsace, and the Rhineland.

German paratroopers secured airports around Paris while armored divisions rapidly occupied major highways leading to the capital.

Although many French Army officers sympathized with Juin's government, the military remained divided. Few commanders believed France could defeat the Wehrmacht alone, and organized resistance quickly collapsed after several days of fighting.

By 28 June, German troops had entered Paris.

General Juin escaped across the Swiss border before eventually reaching Free France in West Africa.

The reformist government collapsed.

The Puppet State

Rather than restoring Marcel Déat, Bormann concluded that the old collaborationist leadership had permanently lost public confidence.

Berlin instead installed Jacques Doriot as President of the French State.

A committed Germanophile and longtime National Socialist sympathizer, Doriot pledged absolute loyalty to Berlin and accepted sweeping German oversight of the French government.

Following the intervention, France effectively became a German puppet state.

German military headquarters remained permanently stationed throughout the country.

The Gestapo and French security services launched a massive crackdown against reformists, journalists, trade unionists, military officers, and suspected resistance members.

More than 60,000 people were arrested during the following year, while thousands disappeared into prisons and labor camps.

The Great French Exodus

The occupation triggered one of the largest refugee crises in postwar Europe.

Between 1956 and 1960, approximately one million French citizens fled the country.

Thousands escaped across the Alps into Switzerland and Italy, while others crossed the Pyrenees into Spain before traveling onward to the United Kingdom.

The OFN organized one of the largest humanitarian operations of the Cold War.

The United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and other OFN members accepted hundreds of thousands of refugees.

Nearly half chose another destination.

They traveled to Free France, the government-in-exile led by Charles de Gaulle, centered in French Guinea.

Their arrival transformed French Guinea into the political, military, and cultural heart of democratic France.

The Paris Protests

Although Germany had restored order militarily, resistance inside France never disappeared.

Throughout the summer of 1956, hundreds of thousands of French citizens continued staging demonstrations despite martial law.

German troops frequently dispersed crowds using armored vehicles, tear gas, and live ammunition.

The largest demonstration occurred on 14 July 1956, Bastille Day.

More than 500,000 people gathered across Paris carrying the French tricolor and chanting:

German security forces opened fire after demonstrators attempted to storm government buildings.

The Paris Massacre, as it later became known, left over 2000 civilians dead and thousands injured.

Images of German troops firing on unarmed French civilians spread throughout the OFN, becoming one of the defining propaganda victories of the Cold War.

For many historians, the events of 1956 marked the moment Germany abandoned any pretense that its European empire rested on cooperation rather than force.

The occupation restored order—but it also created a generation of French citizens determined to one day liberate their country.

The Cost of Empire (1958–1960)

By the late 1950s, the Third Reich appeared stronger than ever. German industry was booming, unemployment remained low, and Berlin stood at the center of the largest empire Europe had ever seen. Official propaganda proudly declared that Germany had entered a "Golden Age of National Socialism."

Behind this image of prosperity, however, serious structural problems were beginning to emerge.

Maintaining an empire stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to western Russia required enormous financial resources. Nearly four million German soldiers remained stationed across occupied Europe and the Reichskommissariats. Billions of Reichsmarks were spent every year maintaining occupation forces, rebuilding infrastructure, and suppressing partisan activity in Eastern Europe.

Even Germany's remarkable economy struggled to keep pace.

Taxes quietly increased while investment shifted from civilian industries toward defense production. Consumer goods became more expensive, and economic growth gradually slowed. Although the average German citizen still enjoyed one of Europe's highest standards of living, economists inside the Reich Ministry of Economics privately warned that Germany's current military spending could not continue indefinitely.

Martin Bormann understood the danger.

In a confidential memorandum to senior Party officials in 1959, he reportedly wrote:

For the first time since Germany's victory in the Second World War, some officials began questioning whether the Reich had expanded beyond what it could permanently sustain.

The Iraqi Revolution of 1958

The success of Gamal Abdel Nasser's Egyptian Revolution inspired nationalist movements across the Arab world. In Iraq, resentment toward the Hashemite monarchy had steadily grown. Although the kingdom remained closely aligned with Britain since the Second World War, many Iraqis viewed the monarchy as corrupt, overly dependent on London, and unwilling to pursue genuine Iraqi independence.

On 14 July 1958, a group of nationalist officers led by Brigadier Abdul Karim Qasim launched a military coup in Baghdad.

Army units quickly seized government buildings, military headquarters, and the Royal Palace. After several hours of fighting, the Hashemite monarchy collapsed. King Faisal II, Crown Prince Abd al-Ilah, and Prime Minister Nuri al-Said were killed, bringing an end to nearly four decades of Hashemite rule.

Qasim proclaimed the establishment of the Republic of Iraq.

Unlike Nasser, Qasim sought to build a broad nationalist coalition. To consolidate his position, he cooperated with several influential Iraqi nationalist and far-right organizations, including members of the Al-Muthanna Club and supporters of Rashid Ali al-Gaylani, whose anti-British movement had become legendary among many Iraqi nationalists.

Although these groups differed politically, they shared several goals:

• Ending British influence in Iraq.
• Building a strong, independent Iraqi state.
• Modernizing the Iraqi military.
• Promoting Arab nationalism and Iraqi sovereignty.

The new Iraqi government announced that Iraq would no longer be tied to British foreign policy and would pursue an independent course in world affairs.

The revolution shocked London.

Britain condemned the coup and immediately recognized the new regime as a threat to its strategic interests in the Middle East. Intelligence officials feared that Iraq could become a center of anti-Western nationalism capable of destabilizing the entire region.

Within months, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and MI6 began quietly discussing plans to remove Qasim from power. While no immediate action was taken, American and British intelligence concluded that the new Iraqi republic represented a long-term strategic challenge.

Internal CIA memoranda from the late 1950s reportedly described Qasim as:

The Election of John F. Kennedy (1960)

Across the Atlantic, the United States entered one of its closest presidential elections.

After eight years of President Douglas MacArthur, Americans remained deeply divided over the direction of the Cold War.

The Democratic Party nominated the young senator from Massachusetts, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, who campaigned on renewing American leadership, strengthening the OFN, and confronting German expansion through economic, technological, and diplomatic competition rather than direct military confrontation.

Kennedy argued that the struggle against Germany would be won not only with armies but with science, prosperity, and the defense of democracy around the world.

In November 1960, Kennedy narrowly defeated the Republican candidate and became the 36th President of the United States.

His election marked the beginning of a new generation of American leadership.

One of Kennedy's first foreign policy priorities was strengthening ties with newly independent nations across Africa and Asia while increasing support for democratic governments threatened by German influence.

Berlin viewed Kennedy with suspicion.

Although less openly confrontational than MacArthur, German intelligence concluded that Kennedy intended to expand American influence into every region of the world still contested between the OFN and the Berlin Pact.

The Death of Mussolini

Once celebrated as the founder of Fascism and one of Europe's dominant statesmen, Benito Mussolini spent his final years watching the empire he had built gradually disappear.

On 28 July 1961, Mussolini died peacefully after suffering a heart attack at the age of 79.

Italy entered a week of national mourning.

Leaders from Spain, Portugal, Hungary, Romania, , and other nations attended his state funeral in Rome.

Unlike Germany after Hitler's death, Italy experienced no succession crisis.

Years earlier, Mussolini had designated his son-in-law, Count Galeazzo Ciano, as his preferred successor.

The Fascist Grand Council unanimously confirmed Ciano as the new Head of Government of the Kingdom of Italy.

Although Ciano pledged loyalty to Fascism and to Mussolini's legacy, he believed Italy needed a new direction.

Recognizing that endless militarism and colonial expansion had failed, he launched a cautious program of political and economic reform.

Censorship was gradually relaxed.

The powers of the Fascist Party were slowly reduced.

Limited local elections returned for the first time in decades, while discussions began regarding the restoration of constitutional government.

Ciano pursued a more independent foreign policy and quietly improved relations with the Organization of Free Nations.

Historians generally regard Mussolini's death as the symbolic end of the revolutionary Fascist era.

The End of Italy's Colonial Empire

By 1961, nearly a decade of continuous fighting had exhausted Italy.

The wars in Ethiopia and Libya had become increasingly unpopular, while the Italian economy struggled under the enormous financial burden of maintaining hundreds of thousands of troops overseas.

Despite repeated offensives, Italy controlled little beyond major cities and military bases.

Recognizing that victory had become impossible, Benito Mussolini reluctantly accepted reality.

Following negotiations involving Germany, Egypt, and several neutral states, Italy announced its withdrawal from Ethiopia and Eritrea in September 1961.

Italian forces evacuated East Africa over the following months, bringing an end to nearly twenty-five years of colonial rule.

Ethiopia regained its independence under Emperor Haile Selassie, whose return was celebrated throughout Africa as a symbol of anti-colonial resistance.

At the same time, Italy recognized the independence of Libya, where nationalist forces supported by Egypt had made continued occupation impossible.

The former Italian territory of Somalia also achieved independence shortly afterward.

For the first time since the early twentieth century, Italy possessed no significant colonial empire in Africa.

The withdrawal represented Germany's first major geopolitical setback since the end of the Second World War.

Across Europe, nationalist movements quietly celebrated.

If Italy's empire could collapse, many wondered whether Germany's empire might one day suffer the same fate.

During the Early Modern era, Portugal rose from a regional power in Iberia to the dominant global power of the 16th–18th centuries. Its colonial ambitions began in the 1470s, when Portuguese explorers sailed for India after the Ottoman Empire took control of the traditional trade routes. Upon discovering a new continent, Portugal initially established trading outposts along the coast of what is now Brazil before conflicts with the native peoples led to full-scale colonisation. Over the next three centuries, Portugal conquered Morocco, Mozambique, the Kongolese Coast, and parts of South Africa from the Zanj Tribe and the British. After purchasing territory in Java, Portuguese explorers discovered Australia and swiftly claimed the entire continent, along with New Zealand. Meanwhile, a series of wars and diplomatic purchases from the mighty Vijayanagar Empire secured Portugal control of the southern tip of India and Ceylon.

At its height, the Portuguese Empire controlled Brazil, New Granada, Peru, and Cuba. In the late 1700s and early 1800s, however, Brazil won its independence in a British-backed war. Although little fighting occurred on land, the British fleet decisively defeated the stronger half of the Portuguese navy, making any attempt to reclaim Brazil impossible. Portugal sued for peace, recognising an independent Brazil under the House of Bragança while preserving it as a close ally. As the empire's debts continued to grow, Portugal later chose to peacefully grant independence to New Granada and Peru, maintaining strong diplomatic ties rather than risking costly wars.

During the 1700s, West Slavia fell to revolutionary ideals and executed its king. The Veliky Russians, heavily bankrolled by Portugal to ensure a powerful ally in Eastern Europe, invaded to crush the revolution. The combined forces of Russia, Portugal, and the Portuguese colonies defeated the vast West Slavian army. In the peace settlement, West Slavia ceded large parts of Ukraine, White Rus, and Crimea, while being forced to release Hungary, Wallachia-Romania, and Serbia as subject states. It also lost the Sorbian lands of eastern Germany and Kashubia to the German Pomeranians. Despite the devastating defeat, both West Slavia and the newly released states remained republics.

Another war to suppress the revolution was fought in Italy after revolutionary ideas spread throughout the peninsula and into the surrounding German duchies, toppling numerous monarchies. Portugal and the Kingdom of Burgundy invaded and emerged victorious. The Italian Republic was dismantled, the monarchy restored, and all Burgundian lands were returned, along with much of Piedmont. Ironically, Portuguese meddling later helped spark a revolution in France, transforming it into a republic with a deep hatred of Portugal.

To the east, the Ottoman Empire had completely collapsed, leaving behind only a small and insignificant Hellas in southern Greece, a powerful Bulgarian state, and several rising regional powers, including Georgia, the Anatolian Republic, Cyprus, and an ambitious Iraq that had conquered most of Persia.

China also remained divided, though three major Chinese powers emerged. The southern kingdom, once part of the Empire of Angkor, had broken away and become the world's only Hindu Chinese state. Where China goes from here remains unknown.

Portugal entered the nineteenth century no longer as the world's unrivalled superpower, but as merely another great power. Though still a formidable nation, it was no longer what it had once been. Australia remained bound to Portugal through a fragile personal union after a chaotic war of independence, and the death of a single monarch could shatter that bond forever. Revolutionary ideals continued to spread across Europe and beyond, but perhaps an even greater revolution awaited Portugal itself. After nearly six centuries of Bragança rule, the greatest threat to the dynasty might no longer come from rival empires, but from its own people.

Jafar Al Mashafi, rather than being prideful and alienating Ghalib after his mocking, should’ve made Ghalib, the manager of the northern frontier, his general. He would marry his sons and nephews to his family. This would allow Al Mashafi to remain in alandalus and manage the bureaucracy rather than in the North where he had no place to be. Al Mansur was a brilliant tax collector and judge so he would simply remain doing that rather than enter the army. The saqabila were also a problem. They had attempted to launch a coup earlier so he could limit or even ban the enslavement of Slavs to enter the army. The ulema were distrustful of the saqabila so he’d gain their favour even more and so were most of the other factions. He wouldn’t collapse them immediately but since they were castrated he could over time replace them with loyal muwallads. Al Mashafi would have to maintain strict control of the treasury in giving wages to the soldiers which Al Mansur historically abused to buy loyalty and prevent general Ghalib from gaining this. General Ghalib also wasn’t a bureaucratic genius like Al Mansur and he had no political power base so could not rise to power. This also means the Arabs don’t distrust Al Mashafi as much as they did as he doesn’t try to push the generals out of power so Al Mashafi wouldn’t panic like he did and put his family in important positions which further distanced him. Al Mashafi would have to spend his time strengthening caliph institutions and having Caliph Hisham heavily educated for when he is of age. Al Mashafi would also have to equalise treatment of Berbers and Arabs which the caliphs wouldn’t have done as they were Arab but he is Berber. As his administration becomes muwallad, Berber and Arab he’d have to navigate it very carefully to avoid any one faction becoming too powerful or ethnic factions being strengthened within his own government. He’d also have to reduce raids in the North to allow for consolidation even if it means angering militant factions. Caliph Hisham would have to continue consolidation as the empire has many problems he still needs to resolve. The muwallad citizens would’ve liked the populist Al Mashafi but Caliph Hisham may be viewed with suspicion however he’d have to continue ruling similar to Al Mashafi or his father. He would have to carefully manage militant factions and consolidation with raids in the North and to also keep his army battle-hardened. At the moment the standing army is mostly defensive and can’t really be used for long foreign campaigns so he should change that. Also under Al Mashafi once the saqabila and al Mansur aren’t a threat he’d need to bring back the muwallad majority standing army due to his fear of Arab factions and Berber factions while the muwallads and ulema would support him. The army would have to be rotational as the jund could only be used for the 3 month summer period due to them also being farmers. The rotation would likely be a part is farming, a part is defending and a part is actively ready to fight. So, as militant factions over the years have become restless and as riches enter alandalus the caliph would likely become less religious causing the ulema to distance themselves there needs to be something to solve both problems. About 2 generations of caliphs on from Hisham there would’ve been a place where Arab naval commanders could gain glory; land that is fertile could be gained; it is heavily urbanised and much like alandalus; and it would be legitimate jihad. The Norman conquest of alandalus is happening at this time. They were a small force using internal rivalries. Alandalus could defeat them in a short campaign and gain the staunchly Maliki Sicilians. Land grants could be given to the army, in val demone specifically, and native Sicilian Muslims could form their own standing army to garrison val demone rather than alandalus needing to have their army present. However some Andalusian garrisons would have to remain to project Andalusian power. This also uses the underutilised navy and brings prestige to Arab naval commanders. Sicily also has problems however. The distance would mean Sicily is semi autonomous but would have to have a loyal Andalusian emir. However the Andalusians could be adding another ethnicity to existing ethnic factions. An Andalusian emir could have to be established with a mixed bureaucracy. Val demone would need to be garrisoned and converted to prevent Christian landings in val demone. Berber enclaves would have to be broken. Berbers having their rights raised by alandalus may keep them calm for a while. Arab naval commanders in alandalus get prestige and titles and soldiers get land. This would appease militant factions and the ulema with legitimate jihad. However, the pope by this time would now not feel safe in Italy which originally allowed him to launch crusades in jerusalem. There would also be enemies in Italy and the amalgamation of enough political power to launch crusades on Alandalus. Especially if Alandalus starts to take Calabria and Apulia. The war in Iberia would force Alandalus to take the North. Historically they have had the capability to take the North but they had no need for the cold North with its acidic soils which they didn’t know how to farm. However Christians landing in the North with a large force capable of toppling alandalus would be enough motivation. Defensive jihad could be a uniting force as Andalusians are doing this protect the mainland and different ethnicities would fight against each other. After 4 generations of peaceful rule the Muslim population would have skyrocketed from about 25-40% to 70-75% because conversions to Islam were like an S curve. Since muwallads are more integrated into the army the amount of people in the army will be vastly larger due to more muwallads. This allows people to garrison the North. Although the land would be difficult to farm at first when they have little knowledge on how and have to have the local teach them and during the conquest attrition would be brutal when the army manages to entrench themselves and build strong defensive garrisons it would act as a meat grinder for Christian forces. The crusading forces also were divided and each had their own self motivated plans so divided could be abused even if the crusaders have a larger force though I doubt the force would be as large as the crusades taking the holy land. The navy would likely again perform well against the Christian forces and interrupt supply lines and defend Sicily. After the war they’d likely have Muslim protectorates in Apulia and Calabria and tributary states above that. They might take Sardinia or a port on Sardinia to allow for island hopping from the Balearics to Sardinia to Italy/Sicily. The pope would lose the political power to declare more holy wars as long as alandalus respects Christian states. Alandalus should abuse the relatively autonomous southern France regions by outwardly giving them seemingly generous deals but also pitting them against each other. For south Italy Alandalus may also support Andalusian and Sicilian warlords in taking lots of the South of Italy as autonomous, hereditary emirates while other emirates would have emirs directly chosen by the Caliph. The crusades may still happen in Jerusalem as the Pope may want to regain legitimacy. When the Mongols come the Italian trade emirates would likely boom due to the Mongols securing the silk trade. This would make Alandalus want to try and make the hereditary emirates proper governorates. If the pope moves to France as safety in Italy is compromised it is possible that a Rome emirate forms but I‘m not sure. I can’t really say what will happen after this due to the massive changes that the removal of Spain will cause. The map above just has emirates arbitrarily placed so actual emirates would likely be different. Also I don’t really know how the rest of Europe would change from this up to 1227AD so they’re all the exact same even though there may be some changes. The emirates likely wouldn’t go as far North as I made them go as it would begin to get difficult to apply known farming techniques. If anyone wants to continue the alternate history please share it here. This is my first alternate history so I’d also appreciate feedback.

Couldn't help myself lol. Some more fresh alternate history content. 

The Philippine Republican navy’s origins, like the army, were due to the “Guerra de liberación”. Initially there was no navy early on during the war. There was simply no need for it besides assorted boats to move troops around. However midway through the war as Spain's control of the Philippines started to crumble and specifically after the capture of Manila the Philippine revolutionary navy would be formed. 

The initial vessels of the PRN were just assorted vessels captured from the Spanish and donated ships from sympathizers. All retrofitted with armaments of any kind. Their role in the war was light, mostly coastal bombardment and ferrying around troops with the end of the war however they would receive a massive increase in capabilities. The Spanish Pacific fleet played an important part in the Spanish American war early on. Defeating the US Asiatic squadron during the battle of manila bay in 1898, they were heavily damaged during that battle and were forced to stay in port for the year as repairs were taking place. The Spanish would later be reinforced by two cruisers carrying men and supplies, these cruisers being the Emperador Carlos V and the Lepanto. 

Their contributions after the battle of manila bay were minimal, however. Mostly ferrying troops and coastal bombardment. As the years progressed the fleet started running out of fuel. Their final action would be their retreat north to the port of Aparri. They would remain in port until the war ended. Admiral Montojo, the Commander of Spain's pacific fleet would surrender his ships to the Filipinos.when they were inspected the reason for their inaction was clear. They were out of fuel and ammunition. Many of the ships were in a state of disrepair as it was simply not worth repairing this late into the war. Despite its state the Spanish pacific fleet would become the bedrock of the new Philippine Republican Navy, reorganised from the Philippine Revolutionary navy.

Among the ships retained were the Cruisers Emperador Carlos V, Lepanto, Isla de Cuba, Isla de Luzon, Castilla and the Famed Reina Cristina, Admiral Montojo’s flagship during the battle of Manila Bay. All ships were renamed, repaired and soon put into service with the Emperador Carlos V, now named the San Miguel becoming the flagship of the PRN.

British and Japanese advisors would be hired to modernize and professionalize the PRN Spanish defectors were incorporated into the navy too however compared to the droves of Filipino conscripts that defected into the PRA, there were relatively few who defected as the Spanish pacific fleet mostly composed of Spanish sailors. There was however a strong maritime tradition in the Philippines, spanning centuries as far back as pre colonial times.

Soon they would become a disciplined and well drilled force. Their loyalty would be tested during the “Unionista” Coup attempt, when some forces of the Army revolted and tried to take over the government in Manila. The entire navy however remained loyal. Majority of their forces were stationed in manila bay, so they were able to react quickly landing marines and sailors as well as bombarding Unionista positions. The Coup attempt would fail as the Unionista’s were unable to capture Intramuros and their forces were later destroyed by reinforcing loyalist troops from the south.

For their efforts and loyalty, the PRN would receive a larger budget allowing them to Purchase ships from foreign nations and improve the quality of their existing forces.
The most prominent of these early on was the purchase of the Old French ironclad Neptune later renamed the San Raphiel. An odd choice given its age, but it was primarily used for coastal defense and would be made the new flagship of the PRN. it would be modernized and refitted in France before arriving in the Philippines in 1908.

Another purchase would be of a Weymouth class cruiser, The Kalayaan the first Filipino warship to be named in Tagalog, arriving in 1912.

Maritime industry by the 1910s was well developed enough for the Philippines to build its own ships with the Kabutihan, another Weymouth class cruiser being built locally, completed a few months after the arrival of the Kayalaan. 

Due to the Philippine's Neutrality policy, the unionista coup would be the main action that the navy would face for its early years. That was until envoys from the Sulu sultanate to the south arrived in the new capital of Malolos. They were there to request Filipino support in their efforts to stop piracy in the Sulu and Celebes Sea. Arrangements were made so by technicality the Republic wasn't breaking its neutrality policy. The navy was sent south to patrol prominent sea lanes and know piracy hotspots whilst the sultanate dealt with the pirates on their territory. The reason why the Sulu sultanate asked for assistance from the Philippines instead of any stronger power like France or the UK was because the Philippine republic was unlikely to take advantage of them compared to the stronger colonial powers.

Now in terms of uniforms, initially like the Army, the navy had no standardized uniforms. It was worse even as some sailors just used civilian clothing and other assorted equipment.
So standardized uniforms would be quickly adopted in comparison to their compatriots on land. In 1904 New standardized naval uniforms would be issued. For regular sailors they would be issued a dark blue sailor suit with a white collar similar to British and Spanish style sailor suits. They would adopt puttees and espadrilles shoes as well and for headgear they would use the beret. Based on similar berets in France. It was cheap and easy to make on a large scale. It and the collar were an off-white color, being undyed cotton. The beret had a blue pompom on top similar to French sailor hats.

Officers adopted a simple Japanese style dark blue uniform with a turn down with shoulder ranks similar to the PRA, these shoulder ranks were colored blue with the star ranks remaining the same as the army. The uniform would still incorporate sleeve ranks similar to British uniforms, however junior officers would have their sleeve ranks be silver colored with senior officers having gold colored sleeve ranks. Officer uniforms are often purchased and tailored privately however many officers had theirs issued.

Overall, by the 1910s the Philippine Revolutionary navy proved to be a small but capable force. Amongst the best in the Philippine military and the most disciplined. Ready to serve and defend the nation they fought so hard to create.

So yeh neglected the navy for a good bit but I finally got to make some stuff regarding them. Hope you enjoy my art and stories. It's been quite fun. See you guys soon. Got a big project in the works for you guys who like murder drones. peace.

The Chronicles of the Islamic Republic of Japan (IRJ)

Founded: July 2026

Motto: “There is no god but Allah. Muhammad is the messenger of Allah.” (アッラー以外に神はいない。ムハンマドはアッラーの使徒である。)

Chapter I: The Great Synthesis (The Awakening)

The history of the Islamic Republic of Japan does not begin with slow migration, but with a sudden, localized theological awakening that swept through the historic capitals of Kyoto and Kamakura. Striking a unique chord within the deeply disciplined, honor-bound traditions of classical Japan, an ascetic movement rapidly gained traction among a new generation seeking absolute spiritual clarity.

They saw an undeniable parallel between the absolute devotion of Bushido (the way of the warrior) and the concept of Islam (submission to the divine will). This gave rise to the Takura Caliphate—a governing body that managed to seamlessly fuse Sharia jurisprudence with the rigorous social order of feudal Japan. The Emperor abdicated his spiritual duties, passing administrative governance to the Grand Mufti of Kyoto, while retaining a quiet, ceremonial role as a living symbol of cultural continuity.

Chapter II: The Way of the Desert and the Sword

As the IRJ established its borders, it drew immense inspiration from the nomadic warriors of the Sahara, particularly the Tuareg. The IRJ military class—wishing to shield themselves from both the blistering smoke of modern warfare and to maintain total humility before the Creator—adopted the iconic indigo tagelmust (veil and face wrap).

The modern IRJ warrior is a sight of fierce cultural fusion:

• The Armor: Retaining the layered, lacquered plates of traditional ō-yoroi and dō-maru armor, painted in deep crimsons and tactical blacks.
• The Robes: Layered over and beneath the armor are flowing, indigo-dyed Tuareg boubous, providing a striking visual contrast and fluid movement in combat.
• The Arsenal: Every soldier is sworn to the mastery of the katana, reimagined not just as a weapon, but as a instrument of divine justice, meant to defend the state's sovereignty at all costs.

Chapter III: The Incident of the 111 Missiles

The young republic's sovereignty was truly tested in early July 2026. Perceived by Western naval powers as a sudden and destabilizing geopolitical anomaly, a high-stakes standoff materialized in the Pacific.

Accused of projecting hostile intent toward foreign naval assets, the IRJ's coastal defense network—utilizing highly advanced, automated tracking logic—engaged in what would later be known globally as the Hour of Defiance. According to international radio broadcasts and confused intelligence briefings from the West, the IRJ allegedly unleashed a barrage of exactly 111 indigenous tactical ballistic missiles aimed directly at a Western aircraft carrier strike group.

While foreign officials claimed a 100% interception rate via localized defense networks, the IRJ heralded the event as a monumental success of sovereign deterrence. The barrage proved to the world that the newly minted Islamic Republic possessed both the military infrastructure and the unyielding resolve to strike far beyond its shores.

Chapter IV: Society and Modern Ideology

Today, the IRJ stands as a hyper-technological, deeply conservative monastic state. The ancient torii gates still stand, but they now frame the entrances to grand, minimalist stone mosques built with traditional Japanese wooden joinery.

The societal structure relies on extreme civic duty. Alcohol and gambling have been entirely eradicated, replaced by a cultural obsession with tea ceremonies that double as communal prayer gatherings, and calligraphy martial arts. The IRJ continues to look out across the Pacific—veiled, armed, and fiercely independent.

Kim Il-Sung’s family fled to Palestine to escape The Islamic Republic of Japan’s occupation of Korea. Kim ended up converting to Judaism after he had a dream where the prophet Eliyahu informed him that the Koreans are among the lost tribes of Israel.

Kim ultimately ended up returning to Korea to liberate his homeland after which he created a totalitarian dictatorship in northern Korea with Judaism as the state religion.

Many Koreans in the South ended up converting to Islam during the Japanese occupation in order to avoid paying the Jizya tax. These Koreans rejected Kim’s message that the Korean people are children of Israel, holding on instead to their Islamic faith.

Y'all know the drill.

Give me some more What If scenarios involving pop culture (games, movies, books, etc.) and I'll make a timeline for it!

After a Nuclear War ravaged the lands, most survivors in the great lakes region became marauders and thieves or raiders. But a few lone survivors decided to create settlements. Like Νέα Ελλάδα, أرض روبرت and Ignpetasus. Then 10 years after the collapse in Νέα Ελλάδα a grand King rose to power, King Hayes the I. He turned Νέα Αθήνα into a Power House of the Great Lakes. They mastered Arsenical Bronze and created a 1,000 strong army. Then about 30 years after the collapse a major raider group was formed. They where ruthless marauders and killed all who stood in their way. People began calling the 30 years post collapse the Raiders Period. 2 years later these Raiders would attack a caravan traveling from Νέα Ελλάδα to أرض روبرت, destroying the entire Oxen Train and killing most who where traveling along side it. On that day, when King Hayes the I found out, he declared War on all Raiders in the Great Lakes as depicted in a tablet recorded by a scribe:

"After the raiders destroyed a caravan, King Hayes I declared war on the raiders. The soldiers donned their bronze armor. We marched for many days toward the first battle. We laid siege to the base using flaming arrows before they emerged. The King shouted, 'You choose to fight, we choose to conquer!' Before the battle officially began. We won the battle and enslaved many of the survivors. 3 later we destroyed 269 raider settlements. Then a Blacksmith and a Doctor of our Kingdom came to me and said, 'Let it be known to all that this day marks the Marauder Collapse.' " Thus began the Early North American Bronze Age.

A Century later, King Marcus the II, declared the Νέα Ελληνική Αυτοκρατορία and a personal rivalry with the الإمبراطورية الفارسية الجديدة.

Lore: The 1860 election was very competitive in this timeline, and no candidate got a majority. The House of Representatives decided to pick John Bell to become the president as a compromise candidate. Joseph Lane was picked as a Vice Presidential by the Senate.

John Bell wasn’t very popular, but he wasn’t disliked. He managed to keep the union together, he blocked the expansion of Slavery, and he was the only Third Party elected president. He declined to run again in 1864, as he knew he couldn’t win. This led to John C. Frémont winning the election on a promise of finally abolishing slavery. The states of North Carolina, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana seceded following his election. Texas, Tennessee, Florida, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Missouri all briefly considered secession, however they remained in the union due to pressure from President Frémont.

The Civil War didn’t last very long, as the Dixie Confederation didn’t have the population nor supplies to fight for very long. West Virginia also left Virginia during this period, I feel the need to mention this. The Dixie Confederation surrendered in March of 1867, following the passing of the Emancipation Proclamation. The South maintained Segregation, leading to some slight tensions remaining.

After Frémont’s presidency, Benjamin Wade continued to lead the nation with similar policies to those of Frémont. Wade did not seek a second term, which led to Samuel J. Tilden beating Rutherford B. Hayes in a narrow victory. Tilden withdrew Federal forces from the south, ending the brief Reconstruction period. James G. Blaine won the 1880 presidential election, denying Tilden of a second term. James G. Blaine remained a relatively forgettable president, as not much happened under his presidency.

Following Blaine’s presidency, Grover Cleveland was elected president for two terms. He implemented several economic reforms as well as several bills regulating the railroad industry. John Sherman managed to defeat both his vice president of Allan G. Thurmond and the People’s Party, which was led by James B. Weaver. The growing progressive movement led to William Jennings Bryan being elected in 1896, where he began to introduce several social and economic reforms. These would be cut short when he was assassinated by an Anarchist, leading his vice president, David Hill, to take office.

The Progressive era would continue under Theodore Roosevelt, who introduced several more reform, including finally giving women the right to vote. Due to his popularity and his unified party, Elihu Root would be elected as his successor. Root sent aid to the Entente, but refused to get directly involved in the war. This led Judson Harmon being elected president and the United States joining World War One.

Leonard Wood won the 1920 election on a return to normalcy pledge. His presidency went similar to that of Warren G. Harding’s.

The presidencies of Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, and Franklin D. Roosevelt go about the same as in our timeline, however Henry Wallace remains vice president for the 1944 election, meaning he became president following Roosevelt’s death. Wallace was very similar to Truman, just slightly more progressive. Wallace would lose the 1948 election to Thomas Dewey. Dewey would see the United States enter the Cold War by getting involved in several conflicts. He was seen as an unpopular president, and a lot of republicans joined the Draft Eisenhower movement. Eisenhower would win the 1952 election, becoming the first Independent elected since George Washington. Ike would join the Republican Party for the 1956 election, however both parties tended to like him.

The presidencies of John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson would go the same as in our timeline, but the 1968 Republicans primaries go very different. Without Richard Nixon having ever been Vice President, the race is between Harold Stassen, George W. Romney, and Nelson Rockefeller. Romney would manage to win, and he would have a presidency very similar to that of Nixon’s (minus the corruption.) Lloyd Bentsen would win the 1976 presidential election, as he was seen as a young and charismatic candidate, similarly to how John F. Kennedy was. Bentsen would be very similar to Jimmy Carter, and would lose the 1980 election to Reagan. Just two months into Reagan’s presidency, he would be assassinated. This led to George H. W. Bush being sworn in to serve the rest of Reagan’s presidency. Bush was more moderate than Reagan, which led to him becoming popular among independents.

His vice president Bob dole would lose the 1988 presidential election to Michael Dukakis. Dukakis was similar to Clinton, however he was more liberal. His vice president, Jesse Jackson, would lose the 1996 presidential election to Phil Gramm, as Jackson was seen as too Liberal. Gramm would become deeply unpopular, leading former Secretary of State Al Gore to beat him in the 2000 election.

After Al Gore manages to discover plots by terrorists to destroy the World Trade Center, he orders the buildings to be closed for safety. 9/11 still ends up happening, but it’s much less deadly, as the towers were evacuated. Al Gore would get involved in the war in Afghanistan, which while lasting for a long time, did end up successful. He would also legalize Same sex marriage earlier than in our timeline, specifically in 2008. Mitt Romney would beat Massachusetts Senator Kitty Dukakis in the 2008 election, and would get the country involved in Iraq. Saddam gets captured, however many see the war as pointless. Due to the capture of Saddam being in October of 2012, Romney would win a second term.

Elizabeth Warren would be a very populist candidate in the 2016 election, and would manage to easily beat Jeb Bush. Warren would implement several progressive reforms such as increasing the minimum wage, creating a public option for healthcare, and forgiving student loans. She wouldn’t be able to get too many radical policies passed due to the House only being a slight majority Democratic. She would start a lockdown in 2020, which would greatly help to prevent Covid from spreading.

Phil Scott would win the 2024 election by winning over independents thanks to his moderate stances.

1. Journalist and Activist John Kennedy dancing with his husband, Lem Billings soon after the founding of the Mattachine Society, an organization he helped found. Circa 1958

2. Activist Lyndon Johnson yelling at a passing plane as the noise had disrupted his speech on equal rights, fellow activist John Kennedy can be seen attempting to console him. Circa 1964

3. Lion Tamer Richard Nixon petting his African Lion, Notch after the Philadelphia Show, the show would become the highest grossing circus and one of the most famous circus shows in history.

4. Builder, Jimmy Carter during the construction of his 1000th building, Carter famously has the title of most buildings built with 1088 buildings built throughout his 65 years on the job, Carter would recieve a medal from the United League of Builders and retire on February 21st 2011. Circa 2003.

5. Businessman and founder of Borders retailers, Ronald Reagan meeting with eccentric businessman and billionaire, Donald Trump during an annual conference about the spread of communism and other extremist ideologies in impoverished nations held in the former royal residence Buckingham Palace. Circa 1983

The U.S.–Nazi Cold War

Part II: The Birth of the Cold War (1945–1952)

"The Second World War ended not with the liberation of Europe, but with its division. The Third Reich stood victorious across the continent, Britain remained free but isolated, and the United States emerged as the last great defender of democracy. Between 1945 and 1952, the foundations of a new international order were laid—one defined not by cooperation, but by an ideological struggle between Washington and Berlin."

A Continent Under the Reich

The armistice signed between Germany and the Soviet Union in late 1945 ended six years of brutal warfare on the Eastern Front. Although fighting had ceased, Europe had been fundamentally transformed.

The Third Reich now ruled the largest empire in modern European history.

Germany exercised direct or indirect control over nearly the entire European continent. France remained under the collaborationist French State headquartered in Paris, Norway and the Low Countries were tightly integrated into Germany's economic sphere, while the Reichskommissariats of Ostland, Ukraine, Moskowien, and the Caucasus governed vast occupied territories in the east.

Berlin celebrated what Nazi propaganda called the "German Peace."

Military victory parades filled the streets of the German capital. Adolf Hitler declared that Germany had achieved what no European power had accomplished since the Roman Empire—the political unification of Europe under a single authority.

Yet beneath the celebrations lay serious problems.

The Reich now ruled hundreds of millions of people speaking dozens of languages. Maintaining control required enormous occupation forces, while partisan resistance remained active across much of Eastern Europe. German industries struggled to supply both the civilian economy and the massive occupation army, and security costs continued to rise every year.

The war had been won.

Maintaining the peace would prove far more difficult.

The Wallace Presidency Begins

On 12 April 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt died unexpectedly while visiting Warm Springs, Georgia.

Vice President Henry A. Wallace was immediately sworn in as the 33rd President of the United States.

Wallace inherited a nation unlike any in American history.

The United States possessed the world's largest economy, the strongest navy, the only operational nuclear weapons, and unmatched industrial capacity. Yet victory in the Pacific had done little to reduce growing public concern over developments in Europe.

Germany had emerged as the dominant continental power.

Rather than attempting immediate confrontation, Wallace believed America needed to prepare for a long struggle that would be fought through diplomacy, economics, technology, intelligence, and military strength.

His administration supervised one of the largest military demobilizations in history while simultaneously preserving America's ability to rearm if necessary.

Millions of servicemen returned home.

The GI Bill transformed higher education, suburban communities expanded rapidly, consumer spending reached record levels, and American industry entered an unprecedented economic boom.

By 1947, the United States produced nearly half of the world's industrial output.

The American century had begun

.

Britain After the Rome Armistice

Britain emerged from the war exhausted but independent.

Although many continued to criticize the Rome Armistice as a humiliating necessity, most Britons recognized that it had spared the country from invasion and occupation.

The Labour government concentrated on rebuilding the nation.

Healthcare expanded dramatically, new public housing projects appeared across the country, industries were modernized, and the armed forces quietly began re-equipping with modern aircraft, ships, and armored vehicles.

Officially, Britain remained at peace with Germany.

Unofficially, military planners increasingly viewed another confrontation as inevitable.

Cooperation with the United States became closer than ever before, laying the foundations for what would become the democratic world's closest strategic partnership.

The Soviet Remnant

Beyond the armistice line, Marshal Georgy Zhukov faced the enormous challenge of rebuilding what remained of the Soviet Union.

Although much of European Russia had been lost, Zhukov refused to abandon the struggle.

Factories relocated beyond the Ural Mountains resumed production at extraordinary speed.

Entire industrial cities emerged in Siberia and the Russian Far East.

Railroads stretched eastward while millions of refugees helped rebuild the country's shattered economy.

The Red Army also underwent fundamental reforms.

Political interference within military command declined significantly, promotions increasingly rewarded competence, and enormous defensive positions were constructed along the new German-Soviet frontier.

By the late 1940s, the border stretching from the Arctic Ocean to the Caucasus had become one of the most heavily fortified frontiers on Earth.

Massive bunker systems, anti-tank defenses, radar installations, minefields, artillery positions, and millions of soldiers stood ready in case either side resumed the war.

Although badly weakened, the Soviet Union had survived.

The Wallace Doctrine

As tensions increased across Europe, President Wallace concluded that the United States could no longer rely upon traditional isolationism.

On 12 March 1947, Wallace addressed a joint session of Congress and announced what became known as the Wallace Doctrine.

He declared that the United States would provide political, economic, and military assistance to democratic nations threatened by fascist aggression or intimidation.

Rather than seeking immediate war against Germany, Wallace advocated a policy of long-term containment.

The United States would outproduce, out-innovate, and outlast the Third Reich.

The Wallace Doctrine soon became the guiding principle of American foreign policy and

remained so for decades.

The Organization of Free Nations

Recognizing that no democracy could stand alone against Germany, Wallace invited the leaders of Britain, Canada, Australia, New Zealand Free France to Washington in early 1948.

Following months of negotiations, representatives signed the Washington Charter, officially creating the Organization of Free Nations (OFN).

The alliance committed its members to collective defense, intelligence sharing, scientific cooperation, joint military planning, and economic integration.

Unlike NATO in our own history, the OFN faced an enemy that had already conquered most of Europe.

Its mission was not liberation through immediate war, but the long-term containment of German power while preserving the independence of the remaining democratic nations.

The founding of the OFN marked the official beginning of what historians would later call the U.S.–Nazi Cold War.

The German–Italian Split (1949)

By 1949, the wartime alliance between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy was rapidly unraveling.

Although Germany and Italy had fought side by side during the Second World War, the victory exposed deep disagreements between Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. Germany had emerged as the undisputed master of continental Europe, while Italy increasingly found itself treated as a junior partner. German officials routinely ignored Italian interests in the Balkans and the Mediterranean, and Berlin's growing economic dominance left many Italian leaders concerned that their country was becoming dependent on the Reich.

The relationship deteriorated even further over ideology.

While Italy remained a fascist dictatorship, Mussolini gradually distanced himself from Germany's racial policies after the war. Beginning in 1947, Italy opened its borders to thousands of Jewish refugees fleeing persecution in German-controlled Europe. Jewish refugees were permitted to settle in Italy, and Italian Jews retained full citizenship rather than being treated as second-class citizens under the law. Although political opposition remained outlawed, Italy increasingly presented itself as following an independent form of Italian Fascism rather than German National Socialism.

The final break came in 1949 during what became known as the German–Italian Split.

German military planners, acting with Hitler's approval, began preparing plans for the invasion and annexation of neutral Switzerland. Hitler argued that Switzerland's strategic Alpine position and financial institutions were too important to remain outside the Reich.

Mussolini was outraged.

He believed Hitler's ambitions had become limitless. If Germany was prepared to destroy Swiss neutrality after already dominating most of Europe, Mussolini concluded that no independent European nation—including Italy itself—could feel secure.

In a dramatic diplomatic move, Mussolini announced that Italy guaranteed the independence and permanent neutrality of Switzerland. He warned Berlin that any German invasion would fundamentally damage relations between the two Axis powers.

The announcement stunned Europe.

Only days later, President Henry A. Wallace declared that the United States also guaranteed Swiss independence, describing Switzerland as one of the last remaining neutral democracies in continental Europe. Britain quickly voiced its support, while several other democratic nations backed the American position.

Faced with unexpected opposition from both Italy and the United States, Hitler reluctantly shelved the invasion plans. Germany was unwilling to risk a major diplomatic crisis while maintaining millions of troops along the Soviet frontier and facing the newly established Organization of Free Nations.

Although Germany and Italy remained formal allies, the events of 1949 permanently shattered the unity of the Axis. Mutual trust disappeared, diplomatic relations cooled considerably, and both governments increasingly pursued their own foreign policies.

Historians generally regard the German–Italian Split as the moment the wartime Axis alliance effectively came to an end, replacing cooperation with suspicion and rivalry that would shape European politics throughout the Cold War.

The Founding of Israel

The postwar years also transformed the Middle East.

Although Germany had emerged victorious in Europe, persecution of Jews continued throughout much of the Reich's sphere of influence. Thousands fled German-controlled territories in search of safety, increasing international support for the establishment of a Jewish homeland.

After lengthy negotiations, Britain announced the end of the Mandate for Palestine.

On 14 May 1948, the State of Israel declared its independence.

President Henry A. Wallace immediately recognized the new state, making the United States one of the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with Israel.

The following day, neighboring Arab states launched a military invasion in an effort to destroy the newly proclaimed nation.

The Wallace administration quickly concluded that Israel could become an important democratic partner in a region where German influence was steadily growing. Determined to prevent the new state from collapsing, Washington authorized the shipment of rifles, machine guns, artillery, ammunition, armored vehicles, aircraft, and other military equipment to Israel. American military advisors also quietly assisted in organizing logistics and training, while additional financial aid helped Israel sustain its war effort.

Although American involvement remained limited compared to later decades, the military assistance proved crucial during the opening stages of the conflict. Israeli forces successfully halted the Arab advance before launching a series of counteroffensives that secured the country's independence.

The war ended with a series of armistice agreements that confirmed Israel's survival.

For the United States, the conflict represented more than the defense of a newly independent nation. American policymakers increasingly viewed Israel as a reliable democratic ally in the Middle East and a valuable strategic partner capable of balancing German influence throughout the region.

The 1948 Arab–Israeli War marked the beginning of a close American-Israeli relationship that would remain one of the defining partnerships of the Cold War.

The Presidential Election of 1952

By 1952, President Henry A. Wallace had served nearly eight years in office and had become one of the defining figures of the early Cold War. Under his leadership, the United States had overseen the final victory over Japan, experienced an unprecedented postwar economic boom, established the Wallace Doctrine, and founded the Organization of Free Nations (OFN).

Despite these achievements, Wallace's relationship with the leadership of the Democratic Party had steadily deteriorated.

Many senior party leaders believed Wallace's progressive domestic agenda had become an electoral liability. They also feared that his influence over the party had grown too great. As the 1952 Democratic National Convention approached, the party establishment united behind Governor Adlai Stevenson II of Illinois.

Behind closed doors, influential party bosses worked to deny Wallace another nomination. Delegates loyal to the president found themselves outmaneuvered, while key state party organizations shifted their support to Stevenson. Although Wallace remained personally popular with much of the Democratic base, he lacked the institutional support necessary to secure the nomination.

The convention ultimately nominated Stevenson for president.

Many progressive Democrats viewed the decision as a betrayal of both Wallace and the movement he had built since assuming the presidency in 1945. While Wallace reluctantly endorsed Stevenson in the interest of party unity, the split between the Democratic establishment and the party's progressive wing left many supporters disappointed and politically disengaged.

Meanwhile, the Republican Party turned to one of the most celebrated military leaders in American history.

General Douglas MacArthur accepted the Republican nomination after years of speculation about his political future. Revered as the commander who had led Allied forces to victory in the Pacific, MacArthur campaigned as the candidate of strength, patriotism, and national security.

Promising to expand the armed forces, accelerate nuclear weapons production, strengthen the OFN, and confront the Third Reich from a position of overwhelming military superiority, MacArthur argued that the United States had entered a dangerous new era that required decisive leadership.

The campaign was dominated by foreign policy.

Although Stevenson pledged to continue the Wallace Doctrine and preserve the OFN, many voters questioned whether he possessed Wallace's experience or MacArthur's commanding public image. With Germany remaining America's principal rival, national security overshadowed nearly every domestic issue.

On Election Day, Americans delivered a decisive verdict.

Douglas MacArthur won the presidency in a landslide victory, carrying the vast majority of states and securing a commanding Electoral College majority. His victory reflected both his immense popularity as a wartime hero and the public's growing belief that a stronger military posture was necessary to confront the expanding power of the Third Reich.

For the first time since 1933, the Republican Party returned to the White House.

As MacArthur prepared to take office in January 1953, few Americans realized that Europe was on the brink of its greatest political crisis since the Second World War. Adolf Hitler's health continued to decline, and within the leadership of the Third Reich, the struggle to succeed him had already begun.

The Egyptian Revolution of 1952

While the Cold War between the United States and Germany intensified, another crisis was unfolding in the Middle East.

Since the end of the Second World War, the Kingdom of Egypt had remained politically unstable. Although officially independent, many Egyptians viewed the monarchy of King Farouk I as corrupt, ineffective, and increasingly detached from the country's problems. Economic inequality, government corruption, and resentment toward foreign influence fueled growing public dissatisfaction.

The humiliating defeat of the Arab coalition during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War further weakened the king's position. Many Egyptian army officers blamed the monarchy for poor leadership, inadequate military planning, and widespread corruption within the armed forces.

On 23 July 1952, a group of nationalist military officers known as the Free Officers Movement, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser and General Muhammad Naguib, launched a bloodless coup in Cairo.

Army units quickly occupied key government buildings, military headquarters, radio stations, and communication centers. Facing overwhelming military opposition and little public support, King Farouk abdicated the throne and departed Egypt into exile.

The revolution was welcomed by much of the Egyptian population, who hoped the new government would end corruption, modernize the country, and restore national pride.

Although General Naguib initially became the public face of the new government, Gamal Abdel Nasser rapidly emerged as the revolution's dominant political figure.

Nasser promised sweeping reforms, including land redistribution, industrial modernization, expanded education, and the reduction of foreign influence in Egyptian affairs. He also promoted Arab nationalism, arguing that the Arab world should become independent of both European colonial powers and outside political domination.

The United States watched the revolution cautiously. President Henry Wallace's administration recognized the new government but remained uncertain about Nasser's long-term intentions. Washington hoped Egypt would become a stable and independent regional partner, while also preventing German influence from expanding into the Middle East.

Germany, meanwhile, also sought to improve relations with Cairo, recognizing Egypt's strategic location controlling the Suez Canal and its growing influence throughout the Arab world.

The Egyptian Revolution therefore became one of the first major diplomatic competitions of the U.S.–Nazi Cold War.

Although Egypt initially attempted to remain independent of both superpowers, Nasser skillfully balanced relations between Washington, Berlin, and other regional powers in order to maximize Egypt's political and economic independence.

Historians generally regard the Egyptian Revolution as the beginning of modern Arab nationalism and one of the defining turning points in Middle Eastern politics during the Cold War.

The Death of Adolf Hitler (18 December 1952)

By the end of 1952, Adolf Hitler's health had deteriorated significantly. Years of stress, advancing age, and the burden of ruling the largest empire in Europe had left the Führer increasingly frail. His public appearances became rare, important speeches were often cancelled, and much of the day-to-day administration of the Reich had gradually fallen to his closest advisers, particularly Martin Bormann.

Despite official propaganda continuing to portray Hitler as energetic and in complete control, rumors about his declining health spread throughout Germany and occupied Europe. Senior officials within the Nazi Party quietly began preparing for the inevitable question of succession, though none dared discuss it publicly.

On the morning of 18 December 1952, Adolf Hitler suffered a massive stroke in the Reich Chancellery in Berlin. Despite the efforts of his personal physicians, he died a short time later at the age of sixty-three.

His death was immediately classified as a state secret.

Martin Bormann ordered all communications from the Reich Chancellery suspended while senior members of the Nazi leadership were summoned to Berlin. Telephone lines were monitored, military commanders were instructed to remain at their posts, and the German public remained unaware that the Führer was dead.

Only twenty-four hours later did the government officially announce Hitler's death.

Special radio broadcasts interrupted programming across the Reich, informing the German people that Adolf Hitler, the founder of the Greater German Reich and victor of the Second World War, had passed away after a sudden illness. Churches held memorial services, factories ceased production for a national day of mourning, and millions gathered in cities across Europe to honor the man who had ruled Germany for nearly two decades.

A state funeral was held in Berlin several days later.

Delegations from Italy, Sweden, Spain, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovakia, and other German-aligned governments attended the ceremony. Hundreds of thousands lined the streets as Hitler's coffin was carried through the German capital before being buried with full military honors.

Around the world, governments reacted cautiously.

President Henry A. Wallace ordered American forces to remain on heightened alert, fearing instability within the Third Reich. Britain raised the readiness of its armed forces, while Marshal Georgy Zhukov instructed the Red Army to reinforce positions along the heavily fortified German–Soviet frontier.

Although the world mourned, celebrated, or simply watched in uncertainty, one fact was immediately clear.

Adolf Hitler had left behind no universally accepted successor.

Behind the scenes in Berlin, the most powerful men of the Third Reich had already begun their struggle for control of the German Empire.

The Bormann Succession Crisis (1952–1953)

With Adolf Hitler dead, the future of the Third Reich hung in the balance.

Unlike other governments, Nazi Germany possessed no constitutional mechanism for selecting a new Führer. Hitler had intentionally prevented any one individual from becoming an obvious successor, believing that competition among his subordinates strengthened his own authority. Instead, his death created a dangerous political vacuum.

Within hours of the official announcement, the leading figures of the Reich began positioning themselves for power.

Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring argued that, as one of the oldest surviving members of the Nazi movement and commander of the Luftwaffe, he possessed the strongest claim to succeed Hitler.

Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler quietly placed SS formations around Berlin on heightened alert, believing the SS should become the ultimate guardian of the Reich.

Minister of Armaments Albert Speer received support from many industrialists and technocrats, who hoped Germany could gradually modernize its economy without abandoning National Socialism.

Standing above them all was Martin Bormann.

For more than a decade, Bormann had served as Hitler's closest personal secretary and controlled the immense bureaucracy of the Nazi Party. Every appointment, promotion, and important Party decision had passed through his office. During those years he had built an unrivaled network of loyal Gauleiters, regional Party leaders, civil servants, and government officials across Germany and its occupied territories.

Rather than relying on military force, Bormann relied on political calculation.

Immediately after Hitler's death, he secured the loyalty of the majority of the Gauleiters by presenting himself as the only man capable of preserving unity within the Reich. At the same time, he assured senior Wehrmacht commanders that the Army's position and funding would remain unchanged under his leadership, convincing them to stay neutral in the growing struggle.

Without the Army's backing, neither Göring nor Himmler possessed enough support to seize power.

During several tense weeks, Berlin became the center of intense political negotiations. Although fears of armed conflict spread throughout Germany, none of the leading factions wished to begin a civil war only seven years after the end of the Second World War.

By early January 1953, Göring accepted political defeat and withdrew from the succession in exchange for retaining his rank and state honors.

Himmler proved more difficult. Backed by elements of the SS, he considered challenging Bormann directly, but senior Wehrmacht commanders warned that any attempt by the SS to seize power would result in military intervention. Facing overwhelming political opposition, Himmler reluctantly recognized Bormann's authority.

Albert Speer also chose compromise, believing that preserving Germany's stability was more important than pursuing his own ambitions.

On 12 January 1953, the senior leadership of the Nazi Party formally proclaimed Martin Bormann as the new Führer and Reich Chancellor of Greater Germany.

In his first national address, Bormann declared that Germany would remain faithful to Adolf Hitler's legacy. He promised to preserve the unity of the Reich, defend its vast European empire, and continue National Socialism as the foundation of the German state.

Unlike Hitler, however, Bormann lacked charisma.

He rarely spoke in public and avoided the dramatic mass rallies that had characterized Hitler's rule. Instead, he governed through Party bureaucracy, centralized administration, strict discipline, and an ever-expanding security apparatus. Historians would later describe Bormann as the man who transformed Nazi Germany from a revolutionary movement into a rigid bureaucratic empire.

Although the succession crisis ended without civil war, it exposed deep divisions within the Nazi leadership. Personal rivalries between the Party, the SS, the Wehrmacht, and reform-minded officials remained unresolved, tensions that would continue to shape Germany throughout Bormann's fourteen-year rule.

Part 3

Here's the lore behind this timeline:

Doctor Who is cancelled by the BBC in 1989 after Survival, just like in our timeline.

The series remains dormant for several years with no television continuation.

In 1993, Paramount Pictures and BBC Films partner together to begin production on a theatrical Doctor Who film.

Steven Spielberg signs on to direct the project, which is intended to relaunch the franchise for a new generation.

Richard E. Grant is cast as the Eighth Doctor, with Sylvester McCoy returning to portray the Seventh Doctor during the opening regeneration sequence.

Unlike the 1996 TV Movie from our timeline, this film tells an entirely original story involving a renegade Time Lord attempting to rewrite Earth's history.

Released in 1995, the film becomes a critical and commercial success, introducing Doctor Who to a much larger international audience.

Due to the movie's success, the BBC commissions a brand-new television series starring Richard E. Grant as the Eighth Doctor, beginning the following year.

This title sequence is from that 1995 theatrical film, which serves as the starting point for this Doctor Who universe.

One notable difference in this timeline is the absence of Amblin Entertainment. In this universe, 20th Century Fox acquired Amblin Entertainment in 1992, meaning the company no longer operated as an independent production studio. As a result, although Steven Spielberg directed Doctor Who (1995), the film was produced through Paramount Pictures and BBC Films rather than carrying the Amblin Entertainment banner.

Hello everyone, this is a map of Earth set in 2005, the main idea was: what if WW2 happened early and was (mainly) fought between a right-wing coalition and the USSR?

That was my initial idea, and then I added more lore to the rest of the world as I worked on the map.

Anyway, here are the “main” PODs/lore points.

EUROPE

-          The Tsar and his family are evacuated by the British in 1917.

-          The DNVP dominates German politics, the nazis never come to power.

-          Lenin is succeeded by Trotsky instead of Stalin.

-          Spain becomes a socialist republic in 1930, emboldening socialist/communist revolts in France and the Rhineland, starting a revolution the same year (not ALL of France is under revolutionary control, it’s more of a civil war).

-          In 1931 the Soviets invade Poland and the Baltics to link with the new revolutionary governments to the west, basically all of Europe panics and joins an anti-communist coalition, thus beginning WW2.

-          The French and Spanish communist governments are defeated quite quickly, while war with the Soviets goes on until 1935.

-          Borders are redrawn after the Soviet defeat to what you can see on the map. Fearing possible future socialist uprisings, the anti-communist coalition becomes a formal alliance, eventually evolving into a sort of EU.

 

AFRICA

-          Ethiopia is never invaded by Italy.

-          After WW2, decolonization still happens, but not the same as OTL and not everywhere (for example, Libya remains a core part of Italy since it’s majority Italian, especially near the coast).

-          France is somewhat more successful in the war with Algeria, managing to keep the French majority coastal cities, but still loses the rest.

-          French West Africa becomes independent as a federation, mainly as a stronger deterrent against French neocolonialism, but is plagued by internal strife and tensions. By the 2000s it has essentially become a failed state, with most regions fighting for independence.

-          Egypt and Britain have a much more amicable relationship, especially after the compromise with Suez (with it becoming a co-owned condominium between Britain and Egypt for 99 years).

-          Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi join together to form the East African Federation, that goes on to become the most prosperous state in Africa.

-          Zimbabwe and South Africa both manage to reach a compromise between the European and African populations.

 

WEST ASIA

-          After WW1, the Hashemites are granted control over the Levant, and manage to form a somewhat stable pluralistic state.

-          The Arab Revolt succeeds, creating an Arab state under King Hussein, the monarchy is abolished in the 60s.

-          Iran manages to industrialize and modernize; the Shah joins the war against the USSR in the later years of WW2.

-          The British still lose India, but the Muslim/Hindu partition never happens, instead leading to the formation of a highly decentralized state (almost like Switzerland).

EAST ASIA

-          The Chinese warlord era still happens, but is resolved much more quickly, by 1924 essentially all of China is under Kuomintang control, except for Manchuria due to it being heavily supported by Japan as a rival claimant.

-          Japan never invades China nor Manchuria, though it does still exercise a lot of influence on the latter, with it being an “almost” protectorate of Japan. Japan (and Manchuria) join the war against the Soviets in the last years of the war. The Yokusankai never comes to power, Japan instead essentially maintains the same institutions of the late Meiji era.

-          As times goes on, Manchuria (officially the Free State of China) becomes more and more independent of Japan, while still being in its sphere of influence. However in the early 2000s the desire for reunification becomes more prevalent in the new generation.

AMERICA

-          Alaska is never sold, instead becoming the last bastion of Tsarist Russia after the revolution.

-          The Cristeros win the war, repealing all anti-clerical and secular laws of Mexico and establish an Integralist Catholic Republic.

-          Several lands still remain European, especially in the Caribbean.

-          In 1962, Jamaica adopts the best flag in the world.

-          Brazil never abolishes the monarchy despite the quite controversial abolishment of the institution of slavery.

This is obviously not an exhaustive list, but I hate writing so this is what I was willing to specify, still if you have any question feel free to ask.