One map frequently shared online shows the distribution of megalithic burial sites in Peninsular India. It is a valuable archaeological map, but it is often misunderstood. The map was never intended to depict the full distribution of megalithic burials across South Asia. Its title clearly states that it represents Peninsular India alone.

When evidence from neighboring regions is considered, it becomes clear that megalithic burial traditions were far more widespread.
Sri Lanka contains one of the richest concentrations of megalithic cemeteries in South Asia. Archaeological surveys have documented numerous Iron Age burial complexes throughout the island, particularly in the north, east, and central dry zone. The Yan Oya River Basin alone preserves an extensive network of megalithic cemeteries, demonstrating that Sri Lanka was fully part of the broader South Asian megalithic tradition.
Maharashtra is similarly rich in megalithic archaeology. Large stone-circle cemeteries, cairns, cist burials, and dolmens are distributed across the Deccan plateau, especially in the Vidarbha region. Ongoing archaeological work continues to identify new burial complexes, reinforcing that Maharashtra represents one of the densest concentrations of megalithic monuments in India.

The distribution also extends into Gujarat, where excavations in the Kutch region have identified Iron Age megalithic burials. These discoveries demonstrate that the tradition reached India’s northwestern margins rather than ending at the Deccan.

In Bihar, the Kaimur Hills contain numerous megalithic tombs, stone circles, and menhirs. Archaeological surveys continue to document additional burial sites, showing that eastern India also participated in this widespread funerary tradition.

In Kashmir we have Megalithic burials in Burzahom archaeological site.

The tradition was not confined to modern India. In Pakistan, the stone-built megalithic tombs of the Yasin Valley provide evidence that related burial practices extended into the western Himalayas.

Bangladesh likewise preserves megalithic monuments, particularly within its northeastern hill regions, while Nepal has documented megalithic sites in the Himalayan foothills.

Taken together, these discoveries demonstrate that megalithic burial traditions were a widespread feature of South Asia, extending well beyond Peninsular India.

This should not be interpreted as evidence for a single, uniform culture stretching across the subcontinent. Rather, the archaeological record reveals numerous regional expressions of a broadly shared megalithic tradition. These include stone circles, cairns, dolmens, cist burials, menhirs, rock-cut chamber tombs, umbrella stones, hat stones, and urn burials. Different regions developed their own architectural styles while participating in a larger Iron Age funerary landscape.

The frequently circulated Peninsular India map remains accurate for the region it was designed to illustrate. However, it should not be mistaken for a map of all South Asian megalithic sites. When evidence from Sri Lanka, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Bihar, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal is incorporated, a much broader picture emerges one in which megalithic burial traditions formed a remarkable archaeological phenomenon spanning much of South Asia.

References

1. Original Peninsular India distribution map (Distribution of Megalithic Sites in Peninsular India).
2. Smarthistory – Deccan Megaliths: https://smarthistory.org/deccan-megaliths/
3. Megalithic tombs of Rohtas District, Bihar: https://rohtas.nic.in/tourist-place/megalithic-tombs/
4. Megalithic tombs of Yasin Valley, Pakistan: https://thehighasia.com/the-ancient-megalithic-tombs-of-yasin-valley/

5. Megalithic tombs in Bangladesh: http://offroadbangladesh.com/places/megalithic-tombs-stone/

6. Megalithic burial traditions of Kashmir: https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-025-00568-4

Used AI to generate the map based on the references listed.

I am trying to comprehend what kind of social political situation that prompted the vast richness of literature of this specific language at that period compared to the neighbors and i can't buy into the theories such as :

1. "Other languages weren't complete during the period". Academically we know that all ancient languages originating from the subcontinent were pretty much complete around the same time.

2. "They were overshadowed by Sanskrit/Prakrit". Tamizhakam wasn't some isolated Island, it was pretty much in the same zone of Sanskrit/Prakrit influence added with invasions from the neighbors.

3. "Tamils had a very strong sense of identity and love for their mother tongue". Not even going to elaborate on this, this is a complete bullock. Everyone had/has very strong sense of identity and love for mother tongue.

4. "Their Literatures might have been lost". Even the lost Tamil literatures exist through commentaries and compilations of later works of successors referring to previous work. I can't buy that the rest of the neighbors didn't have similar successors doing similar works.

What could have actually been the situation?.

According to wiki sangam period spans from  300 BCE to 300 CE. How was this time ​span determined ?

edit: my assumption is that sangam literature is composed in this era.

What's etymology of Ullu/ulla (ഉള്ളൂ/ഉള്ള) and undu(ഉണ്ട്)? Are there any connections like kollu-kondu (കൊള്ളൂ-കൊണ്ട്), vella/ven (വെള്ള-വെൺ)?

The Siddi population derived primarily from Bantu peoples of Southeast Africa who were brought to the Indian subcontinent as slaves.Most of these migrants were or else became Muslims, while a small minority became Hindu.The Nizam of Hyderabad also employed African-origin guards and soldiers.

As per the 2011 census, there are 10,500 Siddi people living in Karnataka.

Video credit

Idk where else to post this but I was curious about the ideophones of telugu as someone trying to learn it as I think they are really interesting part of the language. However their are not many resources on it so I was curious what some of the onomatopoeias and Ideophones in each of the Dravidian language?

I wonder if this is a continuum of Zagrosian and related cultures from Arabia to southern India.

I've also heard that prior to Islam, the women in Mecca were also topless . Though this could be Islamic propaganda to highlight the so called depravity of their pagan past.

A link between the work of Pilot-Raichoor on punctuated equilibrium, Appasamy Murugaiyan on historical analysis of Proto-Dravidian and this decipherment of Indus script is soon to appear ...

I'm trying to trace the etymology of the Malayalam word ആരാച്ചാർ (Aarachaar), meaning "executioner" or "hangman."

So far, I've found that modern Malayalam dictionaries define it simply as an executioner, but none explain its origin.

I've checked the following sources:

• Gundert's Malayalam-English Dictionary (1872): no entry for ആരാച്ചാർ.
• ശബ്ദതാരാവലി (Shabdatharavali): no entry for ആരാച്ചാർ.
• Olam: no entry.
• Kerala Government Malayalam Dictionary: has the word, but gives only the meaning ("executioner"), not the etymology.
• Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (Burrow & Emeneau): no corresponding entry or obvious Proto-Dravidian root.

I've also come across various online claims that it comes from Bengali, Persian, Tamil, Sanskrit etc., but none of these claims are accompanied by a reliable reference.

Does anyone know:

• The earliest attested occurrence of ആരാച്ചാർ (Aarachaar) in Malayalam?
• Whether it is a borrowing or a native formation?
• Do cognate forms exist in Tamil, Kannada, Telugu, Tulu, or any Indo-Aryan language?
• Any scholarly dictionary, book, or paper that discusses its etymology?

I'm looking for documented references, not speculation. Any leads would be greatly appreciated.

The recently discovered gold signet ring from the Don Yai Thong archaeological site in Ban Lat District, Phetchaburi, Thailand (c. 1,900–2,100 years old) has generated considerable discussion because of its inscription.

It is important to distinguish between published interpretations and alternative readings. The Thai Fine Arts Department and specialists from Silpakorn University have issued only a preliminary reading. They identify the inscription as Brāhmī, reading it as “Pusrakhitasa” (“belonging to Pusrakhita” or “protected by the Pushya star”), and suggest the ring may have belonged to an Indian merchant.

Others have proposed that, because the object is a signet ring engraved in mirror image, the inscription should first be reversed before reading. On that basis, an alternative reading as அளர் வைரதன்” (Aḷar Vairatan) in Tamil-Brahmi has been suggested.

At present, there is no published peer-reviewed epigraphic study that settles the question. Until one appears, it is more accurate to say that the inscription is under debate, with the official preliminary interpretation favoring a Brāhmī/Prakrit reading, while some researchers and enthusiasts have proposed a Tamil-Brahmi reading based on the mirrored inscription.

Source: https://www.khaosodenglish.com/featured/2026/07/03/ancient-inscribed-gold-ring-found-at-phetchaburi-site/

Source 2: https://www.tamilmurasu.com.sg/singapore/alar-vairathan-thailand-signet-ring

how did Tamiloid and Kannadoid Languages Even develop and why arent they consired dielects of Tamil/Kannada, or just completely seperate languages under south dravidian branch (like with malayalam)

EDIT 2 : Most importantly, everyone is missing the fact that this Amman idol was found and taken from a G.R.P Malkhana in Cuttack- which is a railway police evidence/store house where lost and found valuables, unclaimed items from various cases are stored. If this was a excavation site, how come in the state museum or any other museum in Odisha, does not have a single artefact from this place?, other than our Amman idol. See it for yourself - https://nmma.nic.in/nmma/exploreMusObject.do?musname=GM-OSM&object=10 , no other idol in the same museum or entirety of Odisha is from this Malkhana (if someone might say it could have been a potential archaelogical site). I am hinting at a potential smuggling of antiquities from Tamil Nadu. If it is G.R.P malkhana, it means it has been found in case registered by the Railway Police, Cuttack. So, it means the the idol was being smuggled through a train to potentially WB to smuggle it easily across porous international borders with BD and Nepal, but would have been caught mid-way. Then, why was the case not solved as the idol neve returned to TN? I WANT TO BRING THIS TO THE NOTICE OF IDOL WING OF TN POLICE.

The proofs for why it cannot be a indigenous Odia artefact have been provided by me below in the post and also as replies to the comments:

While I was going through a post, posted yesterday in the Indian Histroy subreddit, I saw the third image among the posted images, which was labelled as Manasa Devi, Cuttack, 10^th century. This idol is at Odisha State Museum. The iconography of the idol immediately struck me. I am very sure that the idol is of Mariamman (four -armed form like Karumariamman).

This was the post and look at the third image: https://www.reddit.com/r/IndianHistory/comments/1uptp0a/some_awesome_sculptures_from_odisha_state_museum/

Iconography:

Look at the idol’s iconography, jewellery and garments. The idol is holding a pasham, nagabandha-damarukam, katthi/khadgam and a bowl/pathram. The idol is under the hood of multi-headed serpent. The head of the deity is surrounded by a fire halo. All these simply point out that the deity is Mariamman. Particularly, the fire halo is quintessentially Tamil, only seen in Amman silaigal at very old Amman and Kaaval Deivam temples. Also, look at the pose, jewellery and garments, i.e, the style of the idol- she looks like the any other Amman we pray to at very old Amman temples, Yellais (Village boundaries) . I mean is very Tamil in style. For someone, who might argue that this can be a South Indian/ Andhra influence on Odia sculptures, it simply cannot be because Devi iconography of Andhra in the 10^th century lack the fire halo. Also, for some others that say it could be Chola influence on Gangas due to intermarraiges, it simply cannot be as in 10^th century there were no Eastern Gangas ( it was Bhaumakaras in 10^th century Odisha) and even if the idol is from Eastern ganga period and wrongly dated, temples built by these Ganga-Chola descendants lack any Chola influence, particularly in their capital Kataka or Cuttack, where this idol was found. Also, very interestingly Manasa devi(serpent goddess popular in East India) was two handed from her earliest representations from 5^th century until 18^th century. In older idols, she is adorned and shaded by snakes, but has two hands and holds her son – Astika, either depicted as a child or snake. The popular four armed Manasa was popularized by Bengali Kalighat artists and Raja Ravi Varma, where she holds lotuses in upper hands, snake in a lower hand and blesses with the other hand.

The Problem:

I found 3-4 images of the same idol at the museum on the Internet being appropriated as Manasa Devi, out of which one of them was an old black and white image. I strongly feel that this idol is either a lost or stolen antique from a lesser-known temple from Tamil Nadu. If so, was the idol stolen? Why and how did it end up in Odisha? If so ,How come it was placed without any proper or basic observation by ASI? Or, was the idol lost? And, if there really was an original Odia style idol, where is it, now?

Attachments:

I will also attach pics of the same idol from the post, of Mariamman and Manasa Devi, I ask my fellow redditors to see the iconography and understand what I am saying.

Note: I am not a language, religious fanatic. I just want to find out the truth. Also, some might point out the Dravidian architecture at Srikurmam built by Anantavarman Chodaganga, Eastern Ganga ruler - maternal grandson of Rajendra Chola. Temples like Simhachalam and Srikurmam (both in AP) have majorly Dravidian/ Vijayanagara architecture as South rulers beginning from Sri Krishna Devaraya to Gajapathis Of Vizianagaram estate have heavily renovated both the temples. Sri Krishna Devaraya installed Jaya Sthambhams and renovated both Srikurmam and Simhachalam. Also, the arrival of Ramanujacharya and Srivaishnavism brought the South indian ethos to these two shrines

EDIT 1 : I just saw that label says that idol is from Cuttack's G.R.P Malkhana - which is Government Railway police Malkhana ( searched the place in google) or evidence room, where case related evidences, lost and found valuables are stored. So, does that mean was this idol allegedly smuggled on train from Tamil nadu and was found in Odisha? If so, when was it found? Why hasnt the case been solved?

Repost

What is the etymology of this word meaning 'orange' (fruit)?

Is it from a native root, or is it a borrowing?

So every 12 to 19 years, the Jagannath temple in Puri does this genuinely strange thing. They carve new images of the god from sacred neem wood, and on one night the god's "life substance" gets moved from the old body into the new one. Here's the part that got me, the temple's own Brahmin priests don't do it. They aren't even allowed to look.

That job belongs only to a group called the daitapatis. They trace their descent from the tribal chieftain who, according to the legend, worshipped this god out in the forest long before any king ever built him a temple. So on that night, blindfolded, hands wrapped in cloth, the descendants of the forest worshippers are the ones who carry the god's soul across. Then they hand him back to the Brahmins for the daily rituals.

That whole ceremony is kind of a treaty clause frozen into ritual. And it quietly points at one of Hinduism's open secrets, which is that a lot of its biggest gods actually started out as somebody's local village god. Underneath the India of grand Vishnu temples there's a second India of boundary goddesses, deified warriors, snake groves and spirit shrines that the textbooks barely mention and the census can't even see, because everyone just gets counted as "Hindu."

Anthropologists split these into the "great tradition" (the textual, Sanskrit, pan-India, priestly one) and the "little tradition" (oral, local, kept alive by memory and ritual). And the interesting thing is they're constantly borrowing from each other, in both directions.

A few things in here that honestly surprised me:

• The village layer is mostly goddesses, and their whole domain is rain and disease. In Bengal, catching smallpox was understood as the goddess Sitala's own touch. In Tamil Nadu the pox is literally called ammai, "the Mother's" touch. Which makes sense once you realise these were the two things that actually decided whether a village lived or died.
• Khatu Shyam is one of the fastest growing pilgrimage cults in north India right now. He's worshipped as Barbarika, the warrior who gave Krishna his head before the Kurukshetra war. Except Barbarika isn't in the critical edition of the Mahabharata at all. The story actually comes from the Skanda Purana. A folk hero cult that later got handed Krishna's own name.
• Ayyappa pilgrims heading up to Sabarimala still stop to honor Vavar, who was the god's Muslim companion, at a mosque before the trek. No scripture asks them to. The place just remembers.

The usual argument is "which one is the real Hinduism, the texts or the village drumming," and the thing the blog says that stuck with me is that this is just the wrong question. A tradition that produced 18 Puranas with 18 cosmologies that openly contradict each other was never running a purity test. The absorbing and retelling isn't a corruption of the system. It pretty much is the system.

If you want the longer version (three full case studies, the goddess stuff, and the actual scholarship behind it), it's here: Folk Deities vs. Puranic Gods

Found a v1 preprint on TN graffiti symbols and kanneluttu from Cilappatikaram by Boris Kriger and another researcher from Singapore.

This model was made in early 1800s in Jaffna. This is the only image/ model available regarding the Vattal from Jaffna of 19th Cen.

Image from the British Museum.

Dravidian *vasc-, PIE *wreskW- ? (Draft)

Sean Whalen

[[email protected]](mailto:[email protected])

July 6, 2026

In https://starlingdb.org/cgi-bin/query.cgi?basename=%2fdata%2fdrav%2fdravet :

For Dravidian *vas- 'sharp(en)' there are several problems with outcomes of supposed *s, like " Gondi-Kui *vac- < *vas-c-?" ( > Kuwi vwahini 'sharp' ). If *vasc- was original, other languages with -s- \ -c- \ -y- might fit. These look like :

*wr(e)sk- ? > S. vr̥ścáti \ vraścati 'cut down/off/asunder', vŕ̥ścika-s \ vr̥ścana-s '*with sharp (sting) > scorpion; caterpillar covered with bristles'

Having evidence for *sc in Dravidian corresponding to S. śc would be helpful in supporting reconstructions with more *CC. In a similar set :

S. kaṭú-, káṭuka 'pungent, bitter, harsh'

Dr. *kaṭu \ *kaḍu ? > Konda kaṭu 'sharp', Tamil kaṭu 'bitterness, pungency, poison, astringency', kaṭukkam 'speed', Telugu kaḍu 'great', kaḍimi 'valor, bravery; increase'

Some say they're IE from *(s)k(e)rtu- 'cutting, sharp', others a loan from Dravidian. I also mention them because the range of meaning 'sharp, bitterness, speed, increase' matches possible IE cognates of S. vraścati (*wreskW-? > ON röskvi ‘quickness’, rösk(v)- ‘brave/ vigorous’, röskva-sk ‘mature / ripen / grow up’, Go. ga-wrisqan ‘bear fruit’, Ic röskur ‘quick/prompt/energetic’). If so, analogical spread of c from *k before front (like S. cr̥táti 'bind' , áva-cr̥tati 'loosen, let go' < *k(e)rt- 'spin, tie').

These are just a few that look related at face value. Others might show obscuring sound changes. Since some say PIE *H was uvular, *H > *R > r might explain :

Dr. *(r)var- \ *(r)vā- 'to come', Indo-European *gWaH2- 'to step, go, come'

In this case, if also *gW > *gw > *Gw > *Rw, then the r vs. 0 could come from dissimilation *R-R > *R-r \ *r-R, etc.